Relaxed looting of a supermarket

How is it to be done? ūüėÄ

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Categories: Greek Fire

Can we break walls with dialectics? (1.)

Attila József as a child

The history of the Hungarian workers‚Äô movement after the ‚ÄúII. World War‚ÄĚ has been committed to paper almost exclusively by Bolshevik-social democratic Marxists, therefore they regarded all the major manifestations of the class movement as successes of their own party line, while usually they were writing disdainfully about the more radically leftist groups and ‚Äď beyond leftism ‚Äď the anti-democratic anarchist-communist groups and phenomena, and called them traitors. But there had been some militants about whom the party-historians had to speak, because, for instance, their activity in the workers‚Äô movement had become inseparable from their literary activity, so it was impossible to remain silent about them. The press also couldn‚Äôt afford not the make capital from a newly discovered proletarian poet or working-class writer for a while. Here we would like to say some words about one of the most controversial figures of the movement in Hungary, Attila J√≥zsef, whom our introduction fits very well. In addition, we can witness now in Hungary a falsification, the aim of which is to make from this proletarian poet a bourgeois poet.

After the crushing of the revolution in 1919, during the twenties, in the Caf√© Blau in Vienna, a small anarchist circle around Erno Weiler met regularly. The latter considered himself a communist, but he had taken a loathing to the Bolshevik ‚Äúparty discipline‚ÄĚ and made sabotage acts in Vienna together with his comrades while living the life of the vagabonds. Attila J√≥zsef had traveled to Vienna in order to study, and here he contacted G√©za Forg√°cs, a member of the ‚ÄėBund der Herrschaftslosen Sozialisten‚Äô anarchist circle, which published a periodical. The young poet heard a lecture of Pierre Ramus, and there he made acquaintances with Weiler and his comrades. However, their ways separated. In this period Attila J√≥zsef met the Bolshevik elders of the Vienna emigration, Gy√∂rgy Luk√°cs and B√©la Bal√°zs, and they held him a very talented proletarian poet. After the short stay in Vienna, Attila J√≥zsef arrived in Paris in 1926, here he made acquaintances with A. Dauphin-Meunier (who had written his book about the proletarian revolution in Hungary, La Commune Hongroise et les Anarchistes, not long ago, in 1925). Shortly after his arrival, Attila J√≥zsef got in touch with the Anarchist-Communist Union, which was discussing about individualist anarchism versus collectivism and anarcho-communism in this period. There are no memoirs from which we could know whether the young proletarian poet had somehow participated in the debates, and we are also not informed whether he met the Platformists around Makhno. For him, it was more a period of inquiry and immersion than of serious commitment. But the new influences had shown through his revolutionary poems written in those days ‚Äď it‚Äôs enough to mention the excellent Szabados dal (‚ÄėEmancipated Song‚Äô). Soon he starts to deeply study the works of Marx, and, among others, this helps him to become one of the most brilliant revolutionary poets, the poems of whom step out from the usual medium, penetrate into the factories, workshops and workers‚Äô flats and hardly strike. The poet had become a member of the Bolshevik party, but he was expelled later because of his unreliability and anti-Stalinist views. Marx in lyrics ‚Äď so we can characterize his most important and best thought-out poetic works. Attila J√≥zsef was one of those few in the Hungarian class movement whose historical materialist approach hadn‚Äôt become a peculiar grotesque self-justification which makes one drown in Marxist orthodoxy. His class-struggle poems (he wrote a big number of them while living in the deepest proletarian misery) are tantamount to any high-standard communist analysis, and they are also first-class bases for agitation. Later some of his poems and essays suffered for the fact that the poet hadn‚Äôt found his comrades and moved towards social democracy, and with his united frontist views drifted apart from the revolution. His journal contributions and studies are less meaty, but we can see in them the vague picture of a lost serious ‚Äėcommunist theoretician‚Äô (see A szocializmus b√∂lcselete [‚ÄėThe Wisdom of Socialism‚Äô] from 1934, for example). In 1937, being 32 years old, Attila J√≥zsef committed suicide, not having found his place either in civil life or in the movement, so he decided to let the train destroy his young body which had suffered many privations. We charge also this to the bourgeoisie‚Äôs account. Sure it is‚Ķ

Lehet-e dialektik√°val falat t√∂rni? (1.)

József Attila

A magyarorsz√°gi munk√°smozgalom t√∂rt√©net√©t a ‚ÄěII. vil√°gh√°bor√ļ‚ÄĚ ut√°n szinte kiz√°r√≥lag bolsevik-szoci√°ldemokrata marxist√°k vetett√©k pap√≠rra, ebbŇĎl ad√≥d√≥an minden nagyobb m√©retŇĪ mozgalmi megmozdul√°st saj√°t p√°rtvonaluk sikerek√©nt k√∂nyveltek el, mik√∂zben √°ltal√°ban lekicsinylŇĪen √≠rtak a tŇĎl√ľk balra, vagy azon t√ļl mŇĪk√∂dŇĎ antidemokratikus anarchista-kommunista csoportokr√≥l, jelens√©gekrŇĎl √©s le√°rul√≥zt√°k azokat. Akadtak azonban olyanok, akikrŇĎl m√©gis csak k√©nytelenek voltak sz√≥lni a p√°rtt√∂rt√©n√©szek, mivel munk√°smozgalmi tev√©kenys√©g√ľk √∂sszeforrt p√©ld√°ul irodalmi tev√©kenys√©g√ľkkel, √©s √≠gy nem lehetett elhallgatni oket. A sajt√≥ sem tehette meg, hogy ha felfedezett egy prolet√°r k√∂ltŇĎt vagy munk√°s√≠r√≥t, akkor azt a maga szintj√©n ideig-√≥r√°ig ne futassa, ne tŇĎk√©s√≠tse. Az itt k√∂vetkezŇĎkben a magyarorsz√°gi mozgalom egyik legellentmond√°sosabb figur√°j√°r√≥l, J√≥zsef Attil√°r√≥l ejten√©nk n√©h√°ny sz√≥t, akire bevezetŇĎ soraink nagyon is illenek. R√°ad√°sul ma Magyarorsz√°gon annak a hamis√≠t√°snak vagyunk tan√ļi, hogy a prolet√°r k√∂ltŇĎbŇĎl polg√°ri k√∂ltŇĎt pr√≥b√°lnak kre√°lni.

Az 1919-es forradalom lever√©se ut√°n a h√ļszas √©vekben, B√©csben a Caf√© Blauben egy kis anarchista k√∂r tal√°lkozgatott, Weiler ErnŇĎvel az √©l√©n, aki kommunist√°nak tartotta mag√°t, de megut√°lta a bolsevik ‚Äěp√°rtfegyelmet‚ÄĚ √©s ausztriai tart√≥zkod√°sa sor√°n szabot√°zsakci√≥kat hajtott v√©gre elvt√°rsaival, mik√∂zben √©lte a vagabundok √©let√©t. J√≥zsef Attila B√©csbe ment di√°koskodni √©s itt ker√ľlt kapcsolatba azzal a Forg√°cs G√©z√°val, aki tagja volt a Bund der Herrschaftlosen Sozialisten nevu anarchista k√∂rnek, melynek idŇĎszakos lapja is megjelent. A fiatal k√∂ltŇĎ elment az egyik Pierre Ramus √°ltal tartott elŇĎad√°sra √©s ekkor ismerkedett √∂ssze Weiler√©kkel. √ötjaik azonban elv√°ltak. J√≥zsef Attila ekkoriban tal√°lkozott a b√©csi emigr√°ci√≥ bolsevik √∂regjeivel, Luk√°cs Gy√∂rggyel √©s Bal√°zs B√©l√°val, akik igen tehets√©ges prolet√°r k√∂ltŇĎnek tartott√°k. J√≥zsef Attila r√∂vid b√©csi tart√≥zkod√°s ut√°n 1926-ban P√°rizsba ker√ľlt, itt ismerkedik √∂ssze A. Dauphin-Meunierrel (aki nem sokkal kor√°bban, 1925-ben √≠rta meg k√∂nyv√©t a magyarorsz√°gi prolet√°rforradalomr√≥l: La Commune Hongroise et les Anarchistes c√≠men). J√≥zsef Attila meg√©rkez√©se ut√°n nem sokkal felveszi a kapcsolatot az Anarcho-Kommunista Uni√≥val, amely √©ppen ekkor folytatta le vit√°it az individualista anarchizmus kontra kollektivizmus, anarcho-kommunizmus k√©rd√©s√©ben. Semmilyen eml√©kez√©s nincs arr√≥l, hogy az ifj√ļ prolet√°rk√∂ltŇĎ b√°rmilyen szinten is r√©szt vett volna a vit√°kon, √©s arr√≥l sincs inform√°ci√≥nk, hogy √∂sszeismerkedett volna a Mahno-f√©le platformist√°kkal. Ink√°bb a t√°j√©koz√≥d√°s, az elm√©ly√ľl√©s korszak√°t √©lte, mintsem a komoly elk√∂telezŇĎd√©s√©t. Azonban ekkor sz√ľletett forradalmi versein √°t√ľtnek a friss hat√°sok (el√©g csak a nagyszerŇĪ Szabados dalra gondolnunk). Hamarosan behat√≥an ismerkedik Marx mŇĪveivel, √©s t√∂bbek k√∂z√∂tt ennek hat√°s√°ra az egyik legnagyszerŇĪbb forradalmi k√∂ltŇĎv√© v√°lik, akin√©l a vers kil√©p a megszokott k√∂zegbŇĎl √©s behatol a gy√°rak, az √ľzemek, a munk√°slak√°sok falai k√∂z√© √©s √ľt. A k√∂ltŇĎ a bolsevik p√°rt tagj√°v√° v√°lik, de megb√≠zhatatlans√°ga √©s anti-szt√°linista felfog√°sa miatt k√©sŇĎbb kiz√°rj√°k. Versbe szedett Marx – jellemezz√ľk legfontosabb √©s √°tgondoltabb k√∂ltŇĎi mŇĪveit. J√≥zsef Attila a magyarorsz√°gi mozgalmon bel√ľl azon kevesek k√∂z√© tartozott, akinek t√∂rt√©nelmi materialista szeml√©lete nem v√°lik saj√°tosan groteszk √∂nigazol√°ss√°, amely r√©v√©n belefullad a marxista ortodoxi√°ba. Oszt√°lyharcos versei (amelyeket sz√©p sz√°mmal ontott mag√°b√≥l, mik√∂zben a legm√©lyebb prolet√°rnyomorban √©lt) fel√©rnek ak√°rmelyik j√≥l siker√ľlt kommunista elemz√©ssel, illetve elsŇĎrang√ļ agit√°ci√≥s alapok is. A k√©sŇĎbbiek sor√°n verseinek √©s essz√©inek n√©melyike megs√≠nyli, hogy a k√∂ltŇĎ nem tal√°lja meg elvt√°rsait, √©s √≠gy elmozdul a szoci√°ldemokr√°cia ir√°ny√°ba, egys√©gfrontos n√©zeteivel elt√°volodik a forradalmis√°gt√≥l. Publicisztik√°ja √©s tanulm√°nyai nem annyira tartalmasak, de cs√≠r√°iban egy elveszett, komoly ‚Äěkommunista teoretikus‚ÄĚ k√©pe tŇĪnik fel (l√°sd pl. A szocializmus b√∂lcselet√©t 1934-bŇĎl). J√≥zsef Attila 1937-ben 32 √©vesen √ļgy lett √∂ngyilkos, hogy sem a polg√°ri √©letben, sem a mozgalomban nem tal√°lta meg a hely√©t, ez√©rt ink√°bb a vonattal sz√©tz√ļzatta fiatal, sokat n√©lk√ľl√∂zŇĎ test√©t. Ezt is √≠rjuk a burzso√°zia sz√°ml√°j√°ra. Nan√°‚Ķ

√Āllami elnyom√°s

K√∂zvetlen a 2008 decemberi felkel√©s ut√°n az √°llam megk√≠s√©relte helyrehozni sebzett preszt√≠zs√©t √©s helyre√°ll√≠tani a hullaszag√ļ t√°rsadalmi b√©k√©t, mivel f√©lŇĎ, hogy v√°ls√°g √°rny√©k√°ban √ļj l√°zad√°s √©s t√°rsadalmi nyugtalans√°g t√∂rhet ki. Mivel a t√°rsadalmi “romlotts√°g” egyik b√ļv√≥hely√©nek tartj√°k Exarchi√°t, ez√©rt csaptak le r√° √©s vezett√©k be a h√°bor√ļt id√©zŇĎ rendŇĎri megsz√°ll√°st. K√∂zben az √°llam √ļgy tŇĪnik, hogy tov√°bbfejlesztette a jogi fegyvereit is, hogy k√∂nnyebben ellenŇĎrz√©se alatt tudja tartani a t√°rsadalmi szf√©r√°t: p√©ld√°ul h√°zkutat√°sokat rendeltek el – a fŇĎ√ľgy√©sz Sanidas seg√≠ts√©g√©vel – a b√ļv√≥helyeken √©s squatokban, vagy √©letbel√©ptett√©k a koukoulonomos-t (kapucni visel√©s elleni t√∂rv√©ny) a t√ľntet√©seken. Ezzel p√°rhuzamosan megkezdt√©k az egyetemi mened√©kjogot felsz√°molni: Propylaea-t a rendŇĎrs√©g lez√°rta 2009. december√©ben, √©s t√∂bbsz√∂r is behatolt ath√©ni √©s tesszalonikii egyetemi kampuszokra.

A k√∂zrend helyre√°ll√≠t√°sa miatt az √°llam n√∂velte a rendŇĎr√∂k l√©tsz√°m√°t √©s √ļj, motoros egys√©geket hozott l√©tre, “Delta” √©s a “Dias” n√©ven. Komolyan erŇĎs√∂d√∂tt a rendŇĎri jelenl√©t minden v√°rosr√©szben. Hogy Ath√©n belv√°ros√°b√≥l kiterjessz√©k a rendŇĎr√°llam mŇĪveleteit m√°s ter√ľletekre is, 2010 m√°rcius√°ban Ath√©n √©s Tesszaloniki utc√°in 2000 motoros rendŇĎri egys√©g cirk√°lt a v√°ros k√ľlsŇĎ negyedeiben. A korm√°ny k√©ts√©gbeesetten pr√≥b√°lja az egyetlen lehets√©ges k√©pet k√∂zvet√≠teni mag√°r√≥l a t√°rsadalom fel√©, az √°llampolg√°rok √°ll√≠t√≥lagos biztons√°g√°nak szavatol√°s√°t. Ez√©rt azt√°n motoros zsaruk naponta cirk√°lnak tov√°bbra is a v√°rosokban, ami hozz√°vetŇĎleg f√©l milli√≥ eur√≥ba ker√ľl.

Ezeket az int√©zked√©sek alkotj√°k a zer√≥-tolerancia elv√©nek h√°tter√©t, ami a demokr√°cia h√°tt√©ralkuinak csendj√©t megt√∂rŇĎ tiltakoz√°sokat s√ļjta: a rendŇĎri erŇĎk megelŇĎzŇĎ l√©p√©sei, hogy a tiltakoz√≥kat beviszik, megrohamozz√°k a szabad t√°rsadalmi tereket (Resalto, Giannena), √©s erŇĎvel (letart√≥ztat√°sokkal, ver√©sekkel √©s vegyi fegyverekkel) vernek le minden demonstr√°ci√≥t, amelyek fokozatosan egyre harciasabbakk√° v√°lnak. Ezekre j√≥ p√©lda a nikaia-i √©s a byronas-i kivonul√°s, ahol az √°llam b√©rgyilkosai ellen tiltakoztak, akik meg√∂lt√©k Mohammed Kamran Atifot (miut√°n megk√≠nozt√°k a rendŇĎrs√©gen) √©s Nikola Todit (akit az utc√°n lŇĎtt√©k le a zsaruk egy tŇĪzp√°rbajban).

Ezt a kegyetlen politikai elnyom√°st erŇĎs√≠ti a m√©dia √©s m√°s k√∂zvet√≠tŇĎ szervezetek, mint a politikai p√°rtok √©s a szakszervezetek; ezek hivatottak alak√≠tani a k√∂zhangulatot, illetve ideol√≥giai s√≠kon int√©ztek t√°mad√°sokat a tiltakoz√≥k ellen. Erre tipikus p√©lda az anarchista mozgalom kriminaliz√°l√°sa fejp√©nzek hirdet√©s√©vel √©s koholt v√°dak terjeszt√©s√©vel, melyek szerint a mozgalom “bŇĪn√∂zŇĎkkel”, fegyveres csoportokkal mŇĪk√∂dik egy√ľtt.

Mindezekhez hozz√°j√∂n m√©g az, hogy G√∂r√∂gorsz√°g √©s T√∂r√∂korsz√°g k√∂z√∂tt k√ľl√∂n√∂sen j√≥ egy√ľttmŇĪk√∂d√©s alakult ki az elnyom√°s ter√©n. Legut√≥bb a v√©delmi szoftvereket friss√≠tik, hogy √∂sszekapcsolhass√°k a Frontex rendszereivel, amiket a f√∂ldi, tengeri √©s l√©gi hat√°rellenŇĎrz√©sre haszn√°lnak. A korm√°nyhivatalok a t√∂r√∂k kolleg√°ik rep√ľlŇĎj√°ratait haszn√°lj√°k fel arra, hogy azt√°n a l√©gt√©r megs√©rt√©serŇĎl besz√©lhessenek, mivel a m√ļltban sokszor hasznosnak bizonyult “k√ľlsŇĎ ellens√©g” k√©pe a belsŇĎ kr√≠zisek kezel√©s√©re, mint pl. a jelenlegi gazdas√°gi v√°ls√°g. Nem v√©letlen, hogy a k√ľlsŇĎ ellens√©g k√©pe √©ppen akkor jelenik meg, amikor a helyi uralkod√≥oszt√°ly nem √©rzi mag√°t biztons√°gban.

forr√°s: contrainfo

State Repression

Immediately after the uprising of December 2008, the state attempted to restore its wounded prestige and re-establish a funereal social peace, fearing riots and unrests that could erupt in anticipation of the economic recession. It targeted Exarchia, mainly as a place of social iniquity, and imposed a military-style police occupation. In the meantime, the state sought to strengthen its legal arsenal in order to better control the social sphere, either by ordering ‚Äď through prosecutor Sanidas ‚Äď searches in hangouts and squats, or by applying the koukoulonomos (hood-wearing-law) in demonstrations. At the same time, a sustained effort to remove the university asylum status began, with the police guarding the Propylaea in December ‚Äė09, continuously violating it in the Thessaloniki and Athens campuses.

The state sought to reorganize public order, increasing the number of cops and creating new units, such as the mechanized units ‚ÄúDelta‚ÄĚ and ‚ÄúDias‚ÄĚ. Meanwhile there was a considerable increase of police presence around all neighborhoods. In March 2010, in the streets of Athens and Thessaloniki, there was a flux of 2000 motorcycles of the newly created bike unit ‚ÄúDias‚ÄĚ, in an attempt to shift the police-state existing in the center of Athens throughout all neighborhoods. The government is trying to project the only image they can offer to society, that of the alleged safety of citizens. Thus, the cops-bikers will ride daily their motorcycles, which cost around half a million euros.

All these actions set up the background of the doctrine of zero tolerance, which applies to all social protests attempting to break the silent consensus to democracy: a police force acting preventively, bringing in protesters, invading free social spaces, (Resalto, Giannena), forcefully suppressing demonstrations that become progressively more militant (with arrests, beatings and chemical weapons). Indicative are the marches in Nikaia and Byronas protesting the state murders of Mohammed Kamran Atif (after torture in a PD) and Nikola Todi (on the street during a cops’ shootout).

This harsh political repression is strengthened by the media and other mechanisms of mediation, such as political parties and trade unions, which assume the role of changing the perception on facts and execute ideological attacks on protesters. A typical example is the attempt of criminalization of the anarchist movement through offering bounties, imaginary scenarios on its relationship with ‚Äúcriminal offenders‚ÄĚ, armed groups etc.

Simultaneously, a very good level of cooperation between Greece and Turkey in the area of repression has been fostered. Lately, an upgrade to the software of the weapons systems is taking place, in order to link with those of Frontex deployed along the borders, in the air as well as in others. Meanwhile, the government agencies are using the flights of aircrafts of their colleagues, presenting them as ‚Äúviolations‚ÄĚ, as it has been found in the past an effective means to use the ‚Äúexternal enemy‚ÄĚ to deal with internal crises, such as the current financial plight. It is no coincidence that the threat is always appearing when the local rulers feel uneasy in their position.

source: contrainfo

Permanent crisis, fascist hordes, war against us

First of May: Not holiday but struggleday. Struggle for the red May, struggle for the new Hungarian Council Republic!

Due to the antagonism of capital and labour, the general crisis of capitalism manifests itself steadily in the form of different social upheavals. It‚Äôs true even if the bourgeoisie is able to find ephemeral solutions for certain partial problems. We know these ‚Äědelectable salves‚ÄĚ very well: unemployment, disguised or open war against us, etc. In 1929 a further symptom of the crisis of the capitalist system occurred, over and above very sharply. From the end of 1928 (and from 1929 still more) the main creditor of Europe, the US detained its credits. The liquid export of capital of which value in 1928 was more than one milliard dollars, decreased to 200 million dollars during 1929. It was dangerous even in itself since the indebted Central-, and East-European countries were able to pay their extinction mainly only from further credits. Thus the economy crashed. In this situation none of the capitalists wanted to start new investments, so the amounts applied to investments decreased materially world-wide. There were no orders for the industries producing capital goods, they stopped the production and fired great masses of workers. At the end of 1932 there were 15 million unemployed workers in Europe. Until 1932, when the crisis touched its bottom, the world-production of constructional trade, compared to the summit before the crisis, decreased with 40%. The world-production of coal-mining, of iron-, and steel industries decreased with 60%. The decrease of the employment decreased also the absorbing capacity of the market, so the crisis spread to the industries producing consumer goods. The demand decreased materially and this abated the prices. The prices of agricultural goods started to collapse, the price of the grain on the world-market decreased with 58% between 1929 and 1932. The agrarian working class was starving, the urban working class was living in penury. In 1933 there was general famine for instance in Ukraine, in the North-Caucasus, etc.

The effect of the general crisis of capitalist production spread to Hungary, too. Due to the decrease of the prices of agricultural goods in fact the Hungarian agricultural export broke down. The inflow of capital, which had been considerable during the prosperity, stopped. The western creditors of the Hungarian bourgeoisie suddenly reclaimed their money, thus the Hungarian bourgeoisie was running into debt more and more. They tried to solve this problem by increasing the expolitation of the working class. The wages in general decreased with 50-60%, the number of the unemployed workers increased from approximately 250000 to 600000. The poor peasants, owning small lands, were running into debt, lost their lands which were bought by the peasant proprietors. The set-back in the field of the industry occurred mainly in the iron industry and metallurgy, in mechanical engineering, building-trade as well as in food industry. Until 1932, when the crisis touched its bottom, the number of the workers employed in these industries decreased with 30%, the wages in general decreased with 25-30%. All these meant the pauperization, and in several cases, the real famine of the working class. In Hungary there was no unemployment benefit, thus the system of the so-called starvation work was established. It meant that in exchange for some kind of labour service a wageworker got as much money that he or she could creep home in order to sleep, and on the following day back to the workplace. In this period, due to the general misery, the movement of the unemployed workers strengthened, the incensed proletarians were demonstrating throughout the country.

At the end of 1929 and early in 1930 when winter came, the unemployed workers also arrived to the streets of Szeged, Debrecen, Miskolc, H√≥dmezov√°s√°rhely, Eger, P√©cs, Ny√≠regyh√°za. In Szolnok the hungering demonstrators were attacked by the police and the scuffle ended with flatling. The hungering proletarians demonstrated in Szegeden, Gyula, J√°roksz√°ll√°s, H√≥dmezov√°s√°rhely, Orosh√°za, Kiskundorozsma. They shouted as follows: ‚ÄěHere is the revolution, down with the masters, let‚Äôs go there where the food is!‚ÄĚ, and attacked the police which scattered the mass by beating them with gun-stock. A lot of people were arrested. The actions, however, didn‚Äôt spread to other districts and because of their detachedness, afterwards everything was going in the same groove. In several cases it was the ‚Äěcalm‚ÄĚ and pacifist, counter-revolutionary attitude of the social democratic party which prevented the masses from acting as real class-militants. To attain this, naturally, at the workers‚Äô hand it was necessary to pin their faith upon the party. Above we wrote that the lef-wing parties of the bourgeoisie didn‚Äôt have a great influence on the argrarian working class. It was true in general, but they were able to put pressure on the working class when it was urgently required for the ruling class. The publications and the leaflets of the social democrats could suddenly appear in the critical areas to pour balm into the workers‚Äô wounds. For this it was necessary that the hungering masses who were unable to organize themselves seriously, had democratic illusions and co-operated with the social democrats.

During the period of the crisis the ground-men easily left their non-existent workplaces, so the proletarians of the cities and of the neighbourhoods took part together in the demonstrations. On the 1st of September in 1930, when the proletariat was fighting on the streets of Budapest, hundreds of proletarians were demonstrating in other cities, for example in Gyula, Szentes, Szeged, Debrecen, etc., but the clashes didn‚Äôt form a great and strong insurrectional wave. The causes are well-known. There was bungling in every region, the lack of organization and the lack of pespective dominated everywhere. Many people thought – and they were absolutely wrong! ‚Äď that the agrarian proletariat ‚Äěwas fighting with the feudal latifundia‚ÄĚ and the urban proletariat opposed the world-bourgeoisie. Seemingly they were fighting against different enemies, but in reality there was not a shadow of difference between them. The smallholders and the day-wage men sought the sources of their problems near at hand, while the ruling class profited from their exploitation. So the agrarian workers could be manipulated easier by anti-Semitism and be instigated against the towns, because of the backwardness of the countryside, what we detailed above; the urban workers vegetated on higher living standards, thus the witch-hunt was successful. Today the Hungarian nationalism also uses the same methods: it‚Äôs enough if we look at the slogan of the revision of the frontiers which is very popular today, or at the very active Christian Churches interlocked with the far-right. On the other hand, it‚Äôs much cheaper for the Hungarian bourgeois to employ the workers of Romanian, Ukrainian origin, so they try to embrace this fact on the field of xenophobia. It‚Äôs the same problem like then: we are confined into different regions or isolated by the huge distances. There is no direct class-militant connection between the struggles of the Brazilian land-retakers and of the Polander miners, just like in the case of the rural-, and the urban proletariat then. The bourgeoisie is usually able to solve the ‚Äěmicro-problems‚ÄĚ confined into regions from their point of view satisfactorily.

In spite of the manipulation, violent retorsion and the peaceful promises the proletarian actions were continuing in the thirties, too. ‚ÄěWe are living in penury and starving. Count Teleki is jollifying and pay the costs from the blood pressed out from his landless peasants‚ÄĚ ‚Äď wrote a Bolshevik leaflet in the early thirties. Early in 1932 the masses demanded work and bread in Mak√≥, Szeged, Mindszent, Nagymag√≥cs, the ground-men were on strike in Battonya. In February a firm in Pesterzs√©bet called jobs, a few workers were accepted and the others, the unemployed workers attacked the office. In March the proletarians demostrated for work and bread in Debrecen, they joined battle with the police, 54 proletarians were arrested. There were demonstrations in Csongr√°d, B√©k√©scsaba and in several other places. The government financed the social democratic party and the trade unions in order that they could control the discontented voices. In April, due to the pressure of the masses and of the left-wing inner opposition, the social democratic party went to the streets in order to demonstrate its existence for both sides. In Balmaz√ļjv√°ros and in Ny√≠rtura, however, the masses attacked the gendarmerie, they used stones and sticks, finally the gendarmerie opened fire on them. The streets were covered with proletarian blood, several proles were arrested and during the interrogation they were beaten. The organ of the party, the N√©pszava was banned for a short time. Both the MSZDP and Bolsheviks dealt a lot with the conditions in the countryside, so they ‚Äěperceived‚ÄĚ that ‚Äěthe question of the ground-men is firstly the question of the land‚ÄĚ, thus the land reform has to be conquered on political field. During the period of the crisis the Bolsheviks, to some slight extent, also strengthened. At the end of 1932 the party center had connections with several cells (from Kecskem√©t to Gyor), but more and more activists were arrested (193 activists were put under arrest in 1933). The social democratic party was unable to organize among the agrarian workers securely and effectively. It didn‚Äôt know the local conditions well enough and sank into its electoral campaigns.

In the state of the general upheaval the want for pacification strengthened among the bourgeoisie. It led to the reinforcement of the government‚Äôs far-right opposition. Bethlen resigned and after Gyula K√°rolyi‚Äôs prime ministership, in 1932 Gyula G√∂mb√∂s became prime minister. Thus the fascist orientation, revisionism and anti-Semitism strengthened and G√∂mb√∂s, in long-term, was working on the formation of a dictatorship similar to the Italian one. By this time, however, the total building-up of the fascist system didn‚Äôt came about yet. Since the yeasty promises, demagogism (new workplaces, reformation of capitalism under the aegis of romantic anti-capitalism, anti-Semitism), and the fictitious decrees (benefit for the medium-holders, taking over of one part of the smallholders‚Äô debt by the state, etc.) were enough to abate the discontent of the working class. Hordes shouting anti-Semite slogans were on the hike throughout the country and influenced easily certain groups of the unconscious workers who wanted land, work and better living conditions. In 1937 the Kasz√°skeresztes P√°rt (‚ÄėScythe-Cross Party‚Äô) tried to organize an army from the most exploited workers of the villages, which would have attacked Budapest in order to capture the power and form a government (in the event of victory, the party promised 20 acres land per head for all the members of the army). The racialist groups reached also the world of the homesteads in the southern Alf√∂ld, the agitators of the Nemzeti Szocialista Magyar Munk√°sp√°rt (‚ÄėNational Socialist Hungarian Workers‚Äô Party‚Äô), of the Nemzeti Radik√°lis P√°rt (‚ÄėNational Radical Party‚Äô), of the Nyilaskeresztes P√°rt (‚ÄėArrowed-Cross Party‚Äô), of the Alf√∂ldi Brig√°d (‚ÄėBrigade of Alf√∂ld‚Äô), of the Kettoskereszt V√©rsz√∂vets√©g (‚ÄėDouble Cross Blood-Alliance‚Äô) were present there. Moreover, several journals like the Nemzetor (‚ÄėMilitiaman‚Äô), Nyilas roham (‚ÄėArrowed Assault‚Äô), Nyilas harc (‚ÄėArrowed Struggle‚Äô) and different brochures propagated the racialist thoughts, dulled the workers. After the occupation of Austria by the Germans in 1938, this course intensifyed, since due to this the Arrowed movement strengthened. G√∂mb√∂s, however, didn‚Äôt have a unitary fascist mass-movement, and the buliding-up of such movement was contradictory both to the interests of the capitalists and that of the great landlords. After the first period of the pacification, the ruling class didn‚Äôt need an omnipotent leader. Now G√∂mb√∂s tried to enlarge the power of his government upon the economy and with his permanent social demagogy was instigating the agrarian workers against the great landlords. Both the groups of the capitalists and of the great landlords disapproved of this, so they tried to push the fascist groups back.

The bourgeoisie was still unable to restore order, in the midst of the inner struggles of the ruling class the proletarians continued the organization. In summer, 1934 there was a demonstration in Sarkad and others followed it in December, in Debrecen and in Ny√≠regyh√°za. In Kor√∂slad√°ny the proles marched to the town-hall and shouted as follows: ‚ÄěWe are dying of hunger!‚ÄĚ. In 1936 the harvestmen went on strike in the Pallavici manor. In several cases the isolated communists and the Bolsheviks also took part in the organization and launching of the strikes, but without the support of the masses their activity was not very effective. It was also added to the strike movement which livened up in the late thirties that the urban proletarians, who were in direct connection with the countryside, also fought for higher wages and as casual workers took part in several cases in the demonstrations of the agrarian proletariat. Due to the effect of the industrial proletariat‚Äôs movement the workers went on strike at the sugarworks in Mezohegyes, the platelayers went on strike in Kisb√©r, the textile workers in Szony, etc. From the pieces of news they got several agrarian workers felt a kindly interest toward the Spanish proletarian revolution. The farm-hands blustered at their landlords as follows: ‚ÄěTake care what you do, because we are going to make it warm for you, like the Spanish peasants made with their landlords and priests in Madrid‚ÄĚ

Meanwhile the government started to reorganize the economy in order to stabilize its position. To get through the crisis they decreased the state costs, increased the taxes and took up loans. They encouraged financially the agricultural export, so they ameliorated the competitiveness of the Hungarian products. Moreover, thanks to the political-economic orientation towards Italy, Germany and Austria there were new markets for the increasing export. The government succeeded in decreasing unemployment by encouraging the elekctricity supply and the aluminium production. G√∂mb√∂s planned to establish an obligatory corporate system which would have been very similar to the Italian corporative system. He wanted to eliminate the strikes and demonstrations in this way, that is, to solve the ‚Äěworkers‚Äô question‚ÄĚ. G√∂mb√∂s, however, mobilized the fascist groups to no avail, he failed to take over the helm against the rival bourgeois groups. They were against the exaggerated control of the state over the economy and the instigation against the great landlords, as well as against the quick political-economic orientation towards Germany, since in long-term they were afraid of the loss of their autonomy. Thus, due to the opposition of the capitalists and of the great landlords, G√∂mb√∂s was not able to entirely practise his social demagogy and without an adequate mass-movement he didn‚Äôt succeed in carrying his plan into execution even till 1938.

Due to the war preparations of the fascist powers, which were gaining ground and livening up from the mid thirties, the Hungarian industrial-, and agricultural exportation to these countries increased. The economic-political bonds strengthened more and more so these supported the strengthening of the Hungarian fascist forces. As natural continuation of the always stressed revisionism, Hungary also began to war preparations in 1939, which, thanks to the considerable capital investement and to the development of heavy industry, gave a new impulse to the economy. The formerly huge unemployment decreased, the wages which had been previously minimized, icreased (mostly in the heavy industry), the living standards of the working class, compared to the former years, changed for the better. The agricultural production also livened up due to the increasing inner consumption and broadening export. At the same time the government tried to gain direct control over the economy. Several factories were pronounced to ordnance factories and were put under military leadership. The government could control the production and the operation of the factories, thus it centrally increased the labour-time and the intensity of labour. The men between the age of 14 and 70 as well as the adult women could be called up for work of home-defense at any time. So, the exploitation of the working class was intensifyed already from this time. In this period the government introduced the so-called Jewish-laws which defined the maximum percentage of people of Jewish origin in certain ways of business, so the bourgeoisie hastened to discard the workers of Jewish origin and fired them in great quantities. When they became unemployed the police interned them soon after under the pretext of that they were labour deserters, thus they made a living certainly with illegal means.

In 1941 Hungary joined the ‚ÄěWorld War II‚ÄĚ, thus the functioning of the war economy and the extension of war altered the conditions of the working class for the worse. Due to war prosperity the unemployment mended, but with the increment of the wages there was a huge increase in prices (until 1943 the prices increased more than 300% compared to the pre-war price-level) and because of the shop-shortage a lot of basic goods were non-available or were much more expensive than usually. The state tried the decrease the wages and the home consumption by means of adjusting prices and wages, and afterwards both rationing and obligatory surrender of agricultural goods were introduced. Due to that Hungary gradually became ancillary to the German war machine the deficit of the state estimate increased materially. This problem was solved by inflation of the currency and continuous extension of labour-time, so the living standars of the working class were continously decreasing. In addition the bourgeoisie tried to liquidate all forms of resistance and organizational efforts. In September 1943 ‚Äď for instance – 5000 workers went on strike at the Weiss Manfr√©d factory demanding 40% wage increase, but the army intervened and crushed the strike. The state repression, the police control were intensifyed at the workplaces in order to maintain the uninterrupted production: in case of absenteeism the workers were fined, sent to the front or were interned. Meanwhile the army was mobilized tens of thousands of workers were sent to the front in order that they would fight and die for bourgeois interests. So the bourgeois war against us was becoming total more and more on all sides.

Horthy and his associates seeing the German military defeats, however, tried to withdraw from the war. In reply to this, at the same time with the occupation of Hungary by the Germans, fascists assumed power with the collaboration of the Szt√≥jay government on 19th of March, 1944. The Gestapo was more effective in repressing the workers than the former military powers were, more and more labour camps were established for the refractory proletarians. The ghettoization, deportation and sending of workers of Jewish origin to the front was started soon after, and these were enthusiastically carried on by the Arrowed movement (when we are writing these their successor organization ‚Äď the Magyar G√°rda [Hungarian Guard] – is just being established in Hungary) after their rise to power in October, 1944. Hundreds of thousands of workers of Roma-, and of Jewish origin, communists and those who were condemned as ‚Äělumpen persons‚ÄĚ were killed. The Bolsheviks and the left-wing social democrats made common cause with the Soviet Union and gathered into an antifascist front against Hitler in order to fight back: they put forward the slogan of ‚Äěindependent, free, democratic Hungary‚ÄĚ. The popular front organized the antifascist resistance, they demanded wage-rise, better alimentation and the decrease of labour-time. In 1944 in P√©cs the workers in the coal-mines celebrated May Day with work stoppage, on 10th of July in B√©k√©scsaba leaflets (‚ÄěLet‚Äôs sabotage! Join the partisans! Don‚Äôt join the army! Down with the war! Beat those who hold with the Germans!‚ÄĚ) were spread by unidentified persons. In September about 2000 workers from the Di√≥sgyor ironworks marched to the management‚Äôs office and demanded the withdrawal from the war. In October G√∂mb√∂s‚Äôs statue on D√∂brentei square and afterwards a bookshop maintained by the Arrowed movement were exploded by partisans from Mar√≥t group. There were also sabotages, the Dem√©ny group and the De√°k-Mayer group spread leaflets in Sashalom, Kispest, Soroks√°r, etc. and they organized attempts against the Arrowed movement, but kept closely in the shade of the Soviet Union. The popular front established its bases also in the countryside, the Bolshevik party tried to act the role of the great leader but it walked into a rival organization, the Parasztsz√∂vets√©g (‚ÄėPeasants‚Äô Alliance‚Äô) which was founded in 1941. There were antifascist demonstrations and assemblies for independence, a few corps joined the Soviet army or the partisans in order to fight by the side of Bolshevism. The revolutionary traditions of the proletariat did not appear on the scene, in this region there was no opposition to the common insanity of triunity of fascism, nationalism and Bolshevism.

In June, 1944 a group, calling itself anarchist, gave a sign of life during its action in a small town in North-Hungary. They had entered into a totally false (self-liquidating) alliance with the Bolshevik partisans already from the beginning, but afterwards they had a row with the Stalinists who wanted to direct the events more and more, and who finally delated them for the fascists. Those members of the group who survived, split into fractions, some of them joined the Bolshevik party, the others performed direct actions. They attacked two warships from the Hungarian river fleet and afterwards exploded a fuel depot in the Buda Castle. Members of the third part of this movement were shot dead when they attacked a nazi residency. When Budapest stood a siege they organized sabotages, 200 activists of them were killed. After this they decided, except Korsakin who didn‚Äôt agree with his fellows, to stop their activity till Hungary became part of the Soviet zone and would see what is to be done later. Till that time they were working in work detachments and in hospitals. In June, 1945 the movement held a meeting where the representatives of all the three wings were present. One of the wings, signed with P. M. monogram (he was a student), wanted to co-operate with the Bolsheviks and hoped that after finishing with the bourgeoisie they would finish also with the Bolsheviks. The other wing led by Torock√≥i wanted to make the movement legal, while Korsakin‚Äôs group aimed at continuing the struggle against the state and the Russian troops. They decided this question democratically and all of them stressed the they would accept the decision taken by the majority. The majority was on Torock√≥i‚Äôs side so the movement became legal, they established a printery and started their propaganda activity. Then the movement consisted of 500 active members. Afterwards they had a conflict with the Bolsheviks again, who eliminated the hostile group when they got an opportunity (it happened under the Stalinist era when there was a strike in a factory in Csepel). So their inorganization, democratism, the lack of a clear common program doomed to self-liquidation their far-leftist, popular frontist, class collaborationist attempt. Finally the so much wished Red Army arrived and continued the exenteration of the working class just as the Arrowed movement did it before. They broke everything, looted the flats of the workers, raped the women and girls who came their way, those who tried to resist were shooted down. The soldiers captured by them were deported, executed, a lot of workers became ‚Äěguest‚ÄĚ of the Gulag for long decades. From the entire population which consisted of 14,6 million people approximately 340000-360000 soldiers and 600000 civilians (mostly workers) were killed during the triumphant campaign of the bourgeoisie. The ‚Äěnew era‚ÄĚ meant nothing positive for the working class, when it came out from the shelters only got the future of misery and exploitation within different bourgeois framework. The next chain-link of capitalism was the bolshevization, then the original version of monopol capitalism was renewed. We, however, still have only one task which is not easy: to liquidate the class society in order that we could sit down to drink a beer in such a way that we didn‚Äôt need to look at the prices and at the time. There is the cold beer‚Ķ can you see it?

Permanens v√°ls√°g, fasiszta hord√°k, h√°bor√ļ ellen√ľnk

A kapitalizmus √°ltal√°nos v√°ls√°ga a tŇĎke √©s a munka kib√©k√≠thetetlen ellent√©t√©bŇĎl ad√≥d√≥an folyamatosan k√ľl√∂nb√∂zŇĎ t√°rsadalmi robban√°sok form√°j√°ban ker√ľl felsz√≠nre. Ez m√©g akkor is √≠gy van, ha a burzsujok √°tmenetileg gy√≥gy√≠rt tal√°lnak egy-egy r√©szleges probl√©m√°ra. Ezeket a ‚Äěkellemes gy√≥gy√≠reket‚ÄĚ nagyon is j√≥l ismerj√ľk: munkan√©lk√ľlis√©g, leplezett vagy ny√≠lt h√°bor√ļ ellen√ľnk, √©s megannyi m√°s j√≥t√©tem√©ny. 1929-ben a tŇĎk√©s rendszer √ļjabb v√°ls√°gt√ľnete mutatkozott meg, m√©ghozz√° igen √©les form√°ban. Eur√≥pa legfŇĎbb hitelezŇĎje, az Egyes√ľlt √Āllamok m√°r 1928 v√©g√©tŇĎl kezdve, 1929-tŇĎl pedig m√©g jelentŇĎsebb m√©rt√©kben visszafogta hiteleit. A tiszta tŇĎkeexport 1928. √©vi t√∂bb mint 1 milli√°rd doll√°ros √©rt√©ke 1929-re 200 milli√≥ra zuhant. Ez √∂nmag√°ban is vesz√©llyel fenyegetett, hiszen a k√∂z√©p-, √©s kelet-eur√≥pai ad√≥s orsz√°gok az esed√©kes t√∂rleszt√©seket j√≥r√©szt az √ļjabb hitelekbŇĎl tudt√°k csak fedezni. A gazdas√°gi √©let teh√°t megroppant. Ilyen helyzetben √ļj beruh√°z√°sokra m√©g a legprofit√©hesebb burzsuj sem v√°llalkozott, √≠gy a beruh√°z√°sokra ford√≠tott √∂sszegek jelentosen cs√∂kkentek vil√°gszerte. A beruh√°z√°si javakat elŇĎ√°ll√≠t√≥ ipar√°gak megrendel√©s n√©lk√ľl maradtak, le√°lltak, nagy munk√°st√∂megeket bocs√°tottak el. 1932 v√©g√©n Eur√≥p√°ban 15 milli√≥ munkan√©lk√ľli volt. A v√°ls√°g m√©lypontj√°ra, 1932-re – a v√°ls√°g elŇĎtti cs√ļcsponthoz k√©pest – a termel√©si eszk√∂z√∂ket gy√°rt√≥ iparok vil√°gtermel√©se 40%-kal cs√∂kkent. A vil√°g sz√©n-, vas- √©s ac√©ltermel√©se 60%-kal cs√∂kkent. A foglakoztat√°s cs√∂kken√©se a piac felvevŇĎk√©pess√©g√©t is szŇĪk√≠tette, a v√°ls√°g egyre jobban √°tterjedt a fogyaszt√°si cikkeket elŇĎ√°ll√≠t√≥ iparokra. A kereslet rendk√≠v√ľli m√©rt√©kben cs√∂kkent, a cs√∂kkenŇĎ kereslet pedig az √°rak jelentŇĎs cs√∂kken√©s√©hez vezetett. A mezŇĎgazdas√°gi cikkek √°ra zuhanni kezdett, a gabona vil√°gpiaci √°ra 1929 √©s 1932 k√∂z√∂tt 58%-kal esett. Az agr√°rmunk√°soszt√°ly √©hezett, a v√°rosi nyomorgott. 1933-ban √°ltal√°nos √©h√≠ns√©g volt pl. Ukrajn√°ban, az √Čszak-Kauk√°zusban, stb.

A tŇĎk√©s termel√©s √°ltal√°nos v√°ls√°g√°nak hat√°sa Magyarorsz√°gra is begyŇĪrŇĪz√∂tt. Az agr√°rterm√©kek vil√°gpiaci √°r√°nak jelentŇĎs cs√∂kken√©se k√∂vetkezt√©ben l√©nyeg√©ben √∂sszeomlott a magyarorsz√°gi agr√°rexport. M√°sr√©szt a konjunkt√ļra idŇĎszak√°ban jelentos tŇĎkebe√°raml√°s meg√°llt, a magyarorsz√°gi burzso√°zia nyugati hitelezŇĎi hirtelen visszak√∂vetelt√©k a p√©nz√ľket, √≠gy a burzsujok a kor√°bbiakhoz k√©pest m√©g jobban elad√≥sodtak. Ezt a helyzetet a munk√°soszt√°ly kizs√°km√°nyol√°s√°nak fokoz√°s√°val igyekeztek orvosolni. A b√©rek √°tlagban 50-60%-al cs√∂kkentek, mik√∂zben a munkan√©lk√ľliek sz√°ma a kor√°bbi kb. 250 ezerrŇĎl 600 ezerre nŇĎtt. A minim√°lis f√∂ldbirtokkal rendelkezŇĎ szeg√©nyparasztok elad√≥sodtak, elvesztett√©k f√∂ldjeiket, amiket a birtokos parasztok felv√°s√°roltak. Az iparban a termel√©s visszaes√©se elsosorban a vas -, √©s f√©miparban, a g√©pgy√°rt√°sban, az √©p√≠tŇĎanyag-iparban √©s az √©lelmiszeriparban jelentkezett. Az 1932-es m√©lypontig bez√°r√≥lag 30%-al cs√∂kkent az ezeken a ter√ľleteken dolgoz√≥ munk√°sok sz√°ma, a b√©rcs√∂kken√©s pedig 25-30%-os volt. Mindez teh√°t a munk√°soszt√°ly elnyomorod√°s√°t, sok esetben a t√©nyleges √©hez√©st jelentette. Magyarorsz√°gon nem volt munkan√©lk√ľli seg√©ly, ez√©rt bevezett√©k az √≠ns√©gmunka-rendszert, aminek az volt a l√©nyege, hogy valamilyen k√∂zmunk√°√©rt cser√©be annyi p√©nzt kapott egy-egy b√©rmunk√°s, hogy elvonszolja mag√°t aludni √©s azt√°n m√°snap vissza a munk√°ba. Az √°ltal√°nos nyomor hat√°s√°ra ebben az idŇĎszakban megerŇĎs√∂d√∂tt a munkan√©lk√ľliek mozgalma, orsz√°gszerte t√ľntettek a feld√ľh√∂d√∂tt prolet√°rok.

1929 v√©g√©n, 1930 elej√©n a t√©l j√∂tt√©vel a munkan√©lk√ľliek is meg√©rkeztek Szeged, Debrecen, Miskolc, H√≥dmezŇĎv√°s√°rhely, Eger, P√©cs, Ny√≠regyh√°za utc√°ira. Szolnokon az √©hezŇĎ felvonul√≥knak nekirontott a rendŇĎrs√©g, a t√∂megvereked√©st a rendfenntart√≥ erŇĎk kardlapoz√°ssal fejezt√©k be. Szegeden t√ľntettek az √©hezŇĎk, ahogyan Gyul√°n, J√°roksz√°ll√°son, H√≥dmezŇĎv√°s√°rhelyen, Orosh√°z√°n, Kiskundorozsm√°n is. ‚ÄěItt a forradalom, le az urakkal, menj√ľnk oda, ahol ennival√≥ van!‚ÄĚ felki√°lt√°ssal csaptak √∂ssze a rendŇĎrs√©ggel, amely puskatussal oszlatta sz√©t a t√∂meget. Sorozatosak voltak a letart√≥ztat√°sok. A megmozdul√°sok azonban nem terjedtek tov√°bb a maguk k√∂rzet√©n √©s elszigetelts√©g√ľk miatt k√©sŇĎbb minden ment tov√°bb a r√©gi ker√©kv√°g√°sban. Nem egy esetben a szoci√°ldemokrata p√°rt ‚Äěhiggadt‚ÄĚ, pacifista, ellenforradalmi magatart√°sa g√°tolta meg, hogy a t√∂megek val√≥j√°ban oszt√°lymilit√°nsk√©nt l√©pjenek fel. Ehhez persze sz√ľks√©geltetett n√©mi vakhit is a p√°rt ir√°ny√°ban. Kor√°bban azt √≠rtuk, hogy a burzso√°zia baloldali p√°rtjai nem rendelkeztek sz√°mottevŇĎ hat√°ssal az agr√°rmunk√°soszt√°ly soraiban, √©s ez √°ltal√°ban √≠gy is volt. Azonban jellemzŇĎ m√≥don k√©pesek voltak √©ppen akkor nyom√°st gyakorolni a munk√°ss√°gra, amikor erre a leg√©getŇĎbb sz√ľks√©ge volt az uralkod√≥ oszt√°lynak. A v√°ls√°gos ter√ľleteken hirtelen megjelenhettek a szoci√°ldemokrata kiadv√°nyok √©s r√∂plapok, hogy gy√≥gy√≠rt aj√°nljanak. Ehhez viszont elengedhetetlen volt, hogy a magukat komolyan megszervezni k√©ptelen √©hezŇĎ t√∂megek t√°pl√°lj√°k magukban a demokratikus ill√ļzi√≥kat √©s egy√ľttmŇĪk√∂djenek a szocdemekkel.
A v√°ls√°g idej√©n a f√∂ldmunk√°sok k√∂nnyen otthagyt√°k nem-l√©tezŇĎ munkahelyeiket, √≠gy a megmozdul√°sokban a v√°rosok √©s azok k√∂rny√©k√©nek prolet√°rjai egy√ľtt vonultak fel t√ľntetni uraik ellen. Amikor a budapesti proletari√°tus 1930. szeptember 1-√©n az utc√°n harcolt, Gyul√°t√≥l Szentesig, SzegedtŇĎl Debrecenig sz√°zak vonultak fel az utc√°kon, de ahogyan azt m√°r eml√≠tett√ľk, az √∂sszecsap√°sok nem alkottak egy nagy, erŇĎs l√°zad√°si hull√°mot. Az okok j√≥l ismertek. Minden egyes r√©gi√≥ban √≥ri√°si volt a zŇĪrzavar, a szervezetlens√©g √©s a t√°vlatn√©lk√ľlis√©g domin√°lt. Sokan √ļgy gondolt√°k – teljesen helytelen√ľl! -, hogy mik√∂zben az agr√°rproletari√°tus a ‚Äěfeud√°lis nagybirtokkal hadakozott‚ÄĚ, addig a v√°rosi prolet√°rokkal szemben a vil√°g burzso√°zi√°ja √°llt. L√°tsz√≥lag teh√°t m√°s ellen harcoltak, a val√≥s√°gban azonban csak az √©rem m√°s-m√°s oldal√°r√≥l volt sz√≥. A t√∂rpebirtokos, a napsz√°mos k√∂zvetlen k√∂rnyezet√©ben kereste probl√©m√°inak forr√°s√°t, mik√∂zben kizs√°km√°nyol√°s√°b√≥l az uralkod√≥ oszt√°ly profit√°lt. Ez√©rt lehetett az agr√°rmunk√°soszt√°lybelit jobban manipul√°lni, antiszemitizmussal, v√°roselleness√©ggel hergelni, mert – ahogyan kor√°bban r√©szletezt√ľk ‚Äď a vid√©k fejlŇĎd√©se messze elmaradt a nagyv√°ros m√∂g√∂tt, a v√°rosi munk√°ss√°g magasabb √©letsz√≠nvonalon veget√°lt, √≠gy a bŇĪnbakk√©pz√©s m√≥dszerei meg√©rtŇĎ hallgat√≥s√°gra tal√°ltak. A magyar nacionalizmus ma is ŇĪzi ezt az ipart, el√©g csak arra gondolnunk, hogy mennyire n√©pszerŇĪ a ter√ľleti rev√≠zi√≥ gondolata, mennyire akt√≠vak a sz√©lsŇĎjobbal √∂sszefon√≥d√≥ kereszt√©ny egyh√°zak. Ugyanakkor mennyivel olcs√≥bb az ukrajnai, rom√°niai b√©rmunk√°st alkalmaznia az itteni burzsujnak, amit viszont az idegenelleness√©g ter√ľlet√©n pr√≥b√°lnak kiakn√°zni. Ma ugyanannak a probl√©m√°nak vagyunk √°t√©lŇĎi, mint akkor, hasonl√≥k√©ppen region√°lisan vagyunk bez√°rva, vagy nagyobb t√°vols√°gok √°ltal elszigetelve: a braz√≠liai f√∂ldfoglal√≥k √©s a lengyelorsz√°gi b√°ny√°szok harca k√∂z√∂tt ugyan√ļgy nincs k√∂zvetlen oszt√°lymilit√°ns kapcsolat, mint akkoriban a falu √©s v√°ros prolet√°rjai k√∂z√∂tt. A r√©gi√≥ba z√°rt ‚Äěmikro-probl√©m√°kat‚ÄĚ a burzso√°zia minden esetben sz√°m√°ra megnyugtat√≥ m√≥don orvosolja.

Mindenf√©le manipul√°ci√≥, erŇĎszakos megtorl√°s √©s b√©k√©s beetet√©s ellen√©re a harmincas √©vekben tov√°bbra is folytat√≥dtak a k√ľl√∂nf√©le megmozdul√°sok. ‚ÄěMi nyomorgunk √©s √©hez√ľnk. Teleki gr√≥f 100 ter√≠t√©kes d√°rid√≥kat rendez zsell√©reinek kipr√©selt v√©r√©bŇĎl‚ÄĚ – √≠rta az egyik bolsevik r√∂plap a harmincas √©vek elej√©n. 1932 elsŇĎ fel√©ben Mak√≥n, Szegeden, Mindszenten √©s Nagymag√≥cson k√∂veteltek munk√°t √©s kenyeret a t√∂megek, Battony√°n kubikosok sztr√°jkoltak. Febru√°r elej√©n, Pesterzs√©beten az egyik c√©g √°ll√°st hirdetett, felvettek n√©h√°ny szerencs√©tlent, mire a kinnrekedŇĎ munkan√©lk√ľliek megt√°madt√°k az irod√°t. M√°rciusban, Debrecenben munk√°t √©s kenyeret k√∂vetelve mentek utc√°ra a prolik, akik √∂sszecsaptak a karhatalommal, 54 embert letart√≥ztattak. T√ľntettek Csongr√°don, B√©k√©scsab√°n √©s sok m√°s helyen is. A korm√°ny anyagilag t√°mogatta a szocdem p√°rtot, √©s a szakszervezeteket, hogy nyomj√°k el az el√©gedetlenkedŇĎ hangokat. 1932 √°prilis√°ban a t√∂megek √©s a baloldali belsŇĎ ellenz√©k nyom√°s√°ra a szoci√°ldemokrata p√°rt az utc√°ra ment, hogy mindk√©t oldal fel√© demonstr√°lja elk√∂telezetts√©g√©t, azonban Balmaz√ļjv√°rosban √©s Ny√≠rtur√°n a t√∂megek k√∂zelharcba bocs√°tkoztak a csendŇĎrs√©ggel, k√∂vek √©s botok ker√ľltek elŇĎ, a lovas csendŇĎr√∂k a t√∂megbe lŇĎttek. Prolet√°rok v√©re mosta az utc√°t, sokakat letart√≥ztattak, √©s a kihallgat√°sok sor√°n √ľt√∂tt√©k-vert√©k ŇĎket. A p√°rt napilapj√°t, a N√©pszav√°t kis idŇĎre betiltott√°k. Mind az MSZDP, mind a bolsevik p√°rt sokat foglalkozott az agr√°rvil√°ggal, amellyel kapcsolatban a felismer√©sek ter√©n od√°ig siker√ľlt eljutniuk, hogy ‚Äěa f√∂ldmunk√°s k√©rd√©s elsŇĎsorban f√∂ldk√©rd√©s‚ÄĚ, vagyis politikai s√≠kon kell kiharcolni a f√∂ldoszt√°st. A v√°ls√°g korszak√°ban n√©mileg a bolsevikok is megerŇĎs√∂dtek. 1932 v√©g√©re sok vid√©ki sejttel tartotta a kapcsolatot a p√°rtcentrum (Kecskem√©ttŇĎl GyŇĎrig), de egyre t√∂bb alkalommal ker√ľltek kop√≥k√©zre aktivist√°ik (1933-ban 193 mozgalm√°rt tettek hŇĪv√∂sre). A szocdem p√°rt nem volt k√©pes tart√≥san √©s hat√©konyan szervezŇĎdni az agr√°rmunk√°ss√°g k√∂r√©ben, nem ismert√©k kellŇĎk√©ppen a helyi viszonyokat √©s beleragadtak v√°laszt√≥jogi hadj√°rataikba.

Az √°ltal√°nos forrong√°s √°llapot√°ban a burzso√°zia k√∂r√©ben √ļjra megerŇĎs√∂d√∂tt a rendteremt√©s ig√©nye, ami a korm√°ny sz√©lsŇĎjobboldali ellenz√©k√©nek a elŇĎret√∂r√©s√©t vonta maga ut√°n. Bethlen lemondott, majd K√°rolyi Gyul√°t k√∂vetŇĎen 1932-ben G√∂mb√∂s Gyula lett a minisztereln√∂k. Ezzel erŇĎs√∂d√∂tt a fasiszta orient√°ci√≥, a rev√≠zi√≥s politika, az antiszemitizmus m√©g ink√°bb elŇĎt√©rbe ker√ľlt, G√∂mb√∂s pedig hosszabb t√°von az olaszorsz√°gi rendszerhez hasonl√≥ diktat√ļra ki√©p√≠t√©s√©n dolgozott. A teljes fasiz√°l√°s azonban ekkor m√©g nem k√∂vetkezett be, mivel egyelŇĎre a hangzatos √≠g√©retek, demag√≥g sz√≥lamok (munkahelyteremt√©s, a kapitalizmus megreform√°l√°sa a romantikus antikapitalizmus jegy√©ben, antiszemitizmus), √©s l√°tszatint√©zked√©sek (k√∂z√©pbirtokosok t√°mogat√°sa, a gazdaad√≥ss√°gok egy r√©sz√©nek √°llami √°tv√°llal√°sa, stb.) is enyh√≠tett√©k a munk√°soszt√°ly el√©gedetlens√©g√©t. Antiszemita jelszavakat harsog√≥ hord√°k j√°rt√°k az orsz√°got √©s k√∂nnyen befoly√°solt√°k az √∂ntudatlan munk√°ss√°g bizonyos r√©tegeit, amelyek f√∂ldet, munk√°t, jobb √©letk√∂r√ľlm√©nyeket akartak. A Kasz√°skeresztes P√°rt 1937-ben od√°ig jutott, hogy a falu legink√°bb kizs√°km√°nyolt munk√°saib√≥l megpr√≥b√°lt hadsereget verbuv√°lni, amely felfegyverkezve Budapest ellen vonult volna, hogy azt√°n ott √°tv√©ve a hatalmat, korm√°nyra ker√ľlj√∂n (gyŇĎzelem eset√©n fejenk√©nt 20 hold f√∂ldet √≠g√©rtek a sereg tagjainak). A d√©l-alf√∂ldi tanyavil√°gba is eljutottak az elszaporodott fajv√©dŇĎk, a Nemzeti Szocialista Magyar Munk√°sp√°rt, a Nemzeti Radik√°lis P√°rt, a Nyilaskeresztes P√°rt, az Alf√∂ldi Brig√°d, a KettŇĎskereszt V√©rsz√∂vets√©g agit√°torai. Emellett a NemzetŇĎr, Nyilas roham, Nyilas harc c√≠mu √ļjs√°gok √©s sz√°mtalan bros√ļra propag√°lta √©s but√≠totta a meg√©lhet√©st keresŇĎket. Ez a folyamat Ausztria 1938-as n√©met megsz√°ll√°s√°val csak fokoz√≥dott, ennek k√∂vetkezt√©ben ugyanis tov√°bb erŇĎs√∂d√∂tt a nyilas mozgalom. G√∂mb√∂s m√∂g√∂tt azonban nem √°llt egys√©ges fasiszta t√∂megmozgalom. Ennek ki√©p√≠t√©se pedig ellent√©tes volt mind a nagytŇĎk√©sek, mind a nagybirtokosok √©rdekeivel. Az uralkod√≥ oszt√°lynak a kezdeti rendteremt√©st k√∂vetŇĎen nem volt sz√ľks√©ge egy teljhatalm√ļ vez√©rre, m√°rpedig az √ļj minisztereln√∂k igyekezett kiterjeszteni a korm√°ny hatalm√°t a gazdas√°g ir√°ny√≠t√°s√°ra, folyamatosan hangoztatott szoci√°lis demag√≥gi√°j√°val pedig a nagybirtokosok ellen hangolta az agr√°rmunk√°ss√°got. Ez nem tetszett sem a nagytŇĎk√©s, sem a nagybirtokos csoportoknak, √≠gy igyekeztek h√°tt√©rbe szor√≠tani a fasiszta csoportokat.

A burzso√°zia tov√°bbra sem tudta teljesen helyre√°ll√≠tani a rendet, az uralkod√≥ oszt√°ly belsŇĎ villong√°sai k√∂zepette is tov√°bb szervezkedtek a prolet√°rok. 1934 nyar√°n Sarkadon t√ľntettek, majd decemberben Debrecenben √©s Ny√≠regyh√°z√°n. Kor√∂slad√°nyban ‚Äě√Čhen pusztulunk!‚ÄĚ felki√°lt√°ssal vonultak a v√°rosh√°za el√©. 1936-ban a s√∂v√©nyh√°zi Pallavici uradalomban arat√≥munk√°s sztr√°jkra ker√ľlt sor. A sztr√°jkok szervez√©s√©ben √©s l√©trej√∂tt√©ben sokszor az elszigetelt kommunist√°knak √©s bolsevikoknak is szerep√ľk volt, de a t√∂megek t√°mogat√°sa n√©lk√ľl nem voltak t√ļl hat√©konyak. A harmincas √©vek m√°sodik fel√©ben meg√©l√©nk√ľlt sztr√°jkmozgalomhoz az is hozz√°j√°rult, hogy a vid√©kkel k√∂zvetlen kapcsolatban l√©vŇĎ v√°rosi prolet√°rok maguk is v√≠vt√°k b√©rk√ľzdelmeiket, √©s nem egy esetben alkalmi munk√°sk√©nt maguk is r√©szt vettek az agr√°rprolet√°rok demonstr√°ci√≥iban. Az ipari proletari√°tus b√©rmozgalm√°nak hat√°s√°ra sztr√°jkoltak a mezŇĎhegyesi cukorgy√°rban, Kisb√©ren a vas√ļti p√°lyamunk√°sok, SzŇĎnyben a lent√∂rŇĎk, stb. A be√©rkezŇĎ h√≠rek alapj√°n, az agr√°rmunk√°sok k√∂z√ľl t√∂bben rokonszenveztek a spanyolorsz√°gi prolet√°rforradalommal. A b√©resek azzal fenyegetŇĎztek, hogy ‚Äěvigy√°zzon az uras√°g, mert megt√°ncoltatjuk, mint a spanyol parasztok az uraikat s papjaikat Madridban‚ÄĚ.

Mindek√∂zben a korm√°ny saj√°t helyzet√©nek stabiliz√°l√°sa √©rdek√©ben gazdas√°gi √ļjj√°szervez√©sbe kezdett. A v√°ls√°gb√≥l val√≥ kil√°bal√°st az √°llami kiad√°sok cs√∂kkent√©s√©vel, ad√≥emel√©ssel, √©s k√∂lcs√∂n√∂kkel igyekeztek megoldani. P√©nz√ľgyileg t√°mogatt√°k a mezŇĎgazdas√°gi exportot, √≠gy n√∂velve a magyarorsz√°gi term√©kek versenyk√©pess√©g√©t. Emellett az Olaszorsz√°ghoz √©s N√©metorsz√°ghoz, Ausztri√°hoz val√≥ politikai-gazdas√°gi k√∂zeled√©snek k√∂sz√∂nhetŇĎen siker√ľlt √ļj piacokat szerezni a bŇĎv√ľlŇĎ export sz√°m√°ra. A munkan√©lk√ľlis√©g cs√∂kkent√©s√©t pedig a villamosenergia-termel√©s, az alum√≠nium gy√°rt√°s √°llami t√°mogat√°sa r√©v√©n √©rt√©k el. G√∂mb√∂s egy k√∂telezŇĎ √©rdekk√©pviseleti rendszer bevezet√©s√©t is tervezte, ami igen hasonl√≥ lett volna az olaszorsz√°gi korpor√°ci√≥s rendszerhez. √ćgy k√≠v√°nta v√©g√©rv√©nyesen megsz√ľntetni a sztr√°jkokat, t√ľntet√©seket, azaz megoldani a ‚Äěmunk√°sk√©rd√©st‚ÄĚ. Azonban G√∂mb√∂s hi√°ba mozg√≥s√≠totta a fasiszta csoportokat, nem volt k√©pes √°tvenni az ir√°ny√≠t√°st a riv√°lis burzso√° csoportokkal szemben, melyek ellenezt√©k a gazdas√°g t√ļlzott √°llami ir√°ny√≠t√°s√°t √©s a nagybirtokosok elleni sz√≥lamokat, valamint a N√©metorsz√°ghoz val√≥ gyors gazdas√°gi-politikai k√∂zeled√©st, mivel hosszabb t√°von f√©ltek auton√≥mi√°juk elveszt√©s√©tŇĎl. Teh√°t G√∂mb√∂s a nagytŇĎk√©s √©s nagybirtokos k√∂r√∂k ellen√°ll√°sa miatt szoci√°lis demag√≥gi√°j√°t nem volt k√©pes teljes m√©rt√©kben √°t√ľltetni a gyakorlatba, √≠gy megfelelŇĎ t√∂megmozgalom h√≠j√°n 1938-ig sem tudta teljesen v√©ghezvinni terv√©t.

A harmincas √©vek k√∂zep√©tŇĎl megeros√∂dŇĎ, aktiviz√°l√≥d√≥ fasiszta hatalmak fegyverkez√©se k√∂vetkezt√©ben n√∂veked√©snek indult az oda ir√°nyul√≥ magyar ipari-, √©s mezogazdas√°gi export. Az egyre szorosabb√° v√°l√≥ gazdas√°gi-politikai k√∂tel√©kek a fasiszta erŇĎk tov√°bbi t√©rnyer√©s√©t tett√©k lehetŇĎv√©. A ter√ľleti rev√≠zi√≥ √°lland√≥ hangoztat√°s√°nak logikus folytat√°sak√©nt 1939-ben Magyarorsz√°gon is megindult a fegyverkez√©s, ami a komoly tŇĎkebevon√°s, a neh√©zipari fejleszt√©s r√©v√©n √ļjabb lend√ľletet adott a gazdas√°gnak. Cs√∂kkent a kor√°bban hatalmas m√©reteket √∂ltŇĎ munkan√©lk√ľlis√©g, nŇĎttek az elŇĎzŇĎleg minim√°lisra leszor√≠tott b√©rek – elsŇĎsorban a neh√©ziparban -, a kor√°bbi √©vekhez k√©pest valamelyest javult a munk√°soszt√°ly √©letsz√≠nvonala. A n√∂vekvŇĎ belsŇĎ fogyaszt√°s √©s export k√∂vetkezt√©ben a mezŇĎgazdas√°gi termel√©s is fellend√ľlt. Ugyanakkor a korm√°ny igyekezett a k√∂zvetlen ir√°ny√≠t√°sa al√° vonni a gazdas√°g mŇĪk√∂d√©s√©t. Sz√°mos gy√°rat hadi√ľzemm√© nyilv√°n√≠tottak, amelyek √©l√©re katonai vezet√©s ker√ľlt. A korm√°ny szab√°lyozhatta az √ľzemek termel√©s√©t, mŇĪk√∂d√©s√©t, ennek r√©v√©n k√∂zpontilag n√∂velt√©k a munkaidŇĎt, a munka intenzit√°s√°t, a 14 √©s 70 √©v k√∂z√∂tti f√©rfiakat √©s a felnŇĎtt kor√ļ nŇĎket pedig b√°rmikor beh√≠vhatt√°k honv√©delmi munk√°ra ‚Äď teh√°t m√°r ekkort√≥l fokoz√≥dott a munk√°soszt√°ly kizs√°km√°nyol√°sa. Az ebben az idŇĎszakban megsz√ľletett zsid√≥t√∂rv√©nyek ‚Äď amelyek maxim√°lt√°k a zsid√≥ sz√°rmaz√°s√ļak sz√°mar√°ny√°t bizonyos foglalkoz√°si k√∂r√∂kben ‚Äď hat√°s√°ra a burzsujok igyekeztek megszabadulni zsid√≥ sz√°rmaz√°s√ļ munk√°saikt√≥l, akiket t√∂meg√©vel r√ļgtak ki munkahelyeikrŇĎl. Miut√°n munkan√©lk√ľliv√© v√°ltak, a rendŇĎrs√©g r√∂vid idŇĎn bel√ľl intern√°lta oket, azzal az √ľr√ľggyel, hogy munkaker√ľlŇĎk, √≠gy bizony√°ra illeg√°lis eszk√∂z√∂kkel biztos√≠tj√°k meg√©lhet√©s√ľket.

1941-ben Magyarorsz√°gnak a ‚ÄěII. vil√°gh√°bor√ļba‚ÄĚ val√≥ bel√©p√©s√©vel a hadigazdas√°g mŇĪk√∂d√©se, a h√°bor√ļ kiterjed√©se tov√°bb rontotta a munk√°soszt√°ly helyzet√©t. A h√°bor√ļs konjunkt√ļra k√∂vetkezt√©ben a munkan√©lk√ľlis√©g ugyan megszŇĪnt, de a b√©rek n√∂veked√©s√©vel egy√ľtt az √°rak is jelentŇĎsen emelkedtek (1943-ra a h√°bor√ļ elŇĎtti szint h√°romszoros√°t is el√©rt√©k), √©s az √°ruhi√°ny miatt bizonyos alapvetŇĎ term√©kekhez egy√°ltal√°n nem lehetett hozz√°jutni, vagy csak j√≥val dr√°g√°bban. Emellett az √°llam az √°r-, √©s b√©rszab√°lyoz√°s r√©v√©n igyekezett cs√∂kkenteni a b√©reket √©s a belsŇĎ fogyaszt√°st, majd a jegyrendszert √©s a mezogazdas√°gi term√©nyek k√∂telezŇĎ beszolg√°ltat√°s√°t is bevezett√©k. Ek√∂zben a n√©met h√°bor√ļs g√©pezetnek val√≥ fokozatos al√°rendelod√©s miatt jelentŇĎsen nŇĎtt az √°llamh√°ztart√°si hi√°ny, amit csak az infl√°ci√≥ eszk√∂z√©vel √©s a munkaidŇĎ √°lland√≥ n√∂vel√©s√©vel tudtak ellens√ļlyozni, ami folyamatosan cs√∂kkentette a munk√°soszt√°ly √©letsz√≠nvonal√°t. R√°ad√°sul a burzso√°zia mindenf√©le ellen√°ll√°st, szervezked√©st igyekezett felsz√°molni. Pl. 1943. szeptember√©ben a Weiss Manfr√©d gy√°r 5000 munk√°sa l√©pett sztr√°jkba 40%-os b√©remel√©st k√∂vetelve, a katonas√°g k√∂zbel√©pett √©s felsz√°molta a sztr√°jkmozgalmat. A munkahelyeken a termel√©s zavartalan mŇĪk√∂d√©s√©nek biztos√≠t√°sa √©rdek√©ben fokozt√°k az √°llami elnyom√°st, kiterjesztett√©k a rendŇĎri fel√ľgyeletet, a munk√°sokat igazolatlan hi√°nyz√°s eset√©ben p√©nzb√ľntet√©ssel s√ļjtott√°k, a frontra k√ľldt√©k, vagy intern√°lt√°k. Ek√∂zben a hadsereg mozg√≥s√≠t√°s√°val munk√°sok t√≠zezreit vez√©nyelt√©k a harcterekre, hogy ott burzso√° c√©lok√©rt harcolva d√∂g√∂ljenek meg. A burzso√°zia vel√ľnk szemben folytatott h√°bor√ļja teh√°t minden szinten egyre tot√°lisabb√° v√°lt.

A n√©metek katonai kudarcait l√°tva Horthy√©k m√©gis megpr√≥b√°ltak kiugrani a h√°bor√ļb√≥l. Erre v√°laszk√©nt 1944. m√°rcius 19-√©n Magyarorsz√°g n√©met megsz√°ll√°s√°val egy idŇĎben fasiszt√°k vett√©k √°t a hatalmat a Szt√≥jay korm√°ny k√∂zremŇĪk√∂d√©s√©vel. A Gestapo a kor√°bbi hatalmi szervekn√©l hat√©konyabban nyomta el a munk√°ss√°got, egyre t√∂bb munkat√°bor l√©tes√ľlt a l√°zong√≥ prolet√°rok sz√°m√°ra. Hamarosan megkezdŇĎd√∂tt a zsid√≥ sz√°rmaz√°s√ļ munk√°soszt√°lybeliek gett√≥ba terel√©se, deport√°l√°sa, frontszolg√°latra k√ľld√©se, amit a nyilasok (mikor ezt √≠rjuk, Magyarorsz√°gon √©ppen megalakul ut√≥dszervezet√ľk, a Magyar G√°rda) 1944. okt√≥beri hatalomra ker√ľl√©s√ľk ut√°n lelkesen folytattak. Cig√°ny-, √©s zsid√≥sz√°rmaz√°s√ļ munk√°soszt√°lybeliek sz√°zezreit, kommunist√°kat, ‚Äělumpen elemnek‚ÄĚ nyilv√°n√≠tottak ezreit gyilkolt√°k le. A magyarorsz√°gi bolsevikok √©s baloldali szoci√°ldemokrat√°k szolidarit√°st v√°llaltak a Szovjetuni√≥val √©s Hitler-ellenes antifasiszta frontba t√∂m√∂r√ľlve vett√©k fel a harcot: a ‚Äěf√ľggetlen, szabad, demokratikus Magyarorsz√°g‚ÄĚ jelszav√°t hangoztatt√°k. A n√©pfront szervezte az antifasiszta ellen√°ll√°st, k√∂vetelt√©k a b√©rek emel√©s√©t, az ell√°t√°s jav√≠t√°s√°t, a munkaidŇĎ cs√∂kkent√©s√©t. 1944-ben P√©csett a k√∂rnyezŇĎ sz√©nb√°ny√°k munk√°sai munkabesz√ľntet√©ssel √ľnnepelt√©k meg m√°jus elsej√©t, B√©k√©scsab√°n ‚ÄěSzabot√°lj! L√©gy te is partiz√°n! Ne vonulj be katon√°nak! Le a h√°bor√ļval! √úsd a n√©metp√°rtit!‚ÄĚ felirat√ļ r√∂plapokat sz√≥rtak sz√©t ismeretlennek j√ļlius 10-√©n. Szeptemberben a di√≥sgyŇĎri vasgy√°r kb. 2000 munk√°sa az igazgat√≥s√°g el√© vonult, √©s a h√°bor√ļb√≥l val√≥ kil√©p√©st k√∂vetelte. Okt√≥berben a Mar√≥t csoport partiz√°njai felrobbantott√°k G√∂mb√∂s Gyula szobr√°t a D√∂brentei t√©ren, k√©sŇĎbb pedig egy nyilas k√∂nyvesboltot is. Egyes szabot√°zsakci√≥kra is sor ker√ľlt, a Dem√©ny-, illetve a De√°k-Mayer csoport Sashalmom, Kispesten, Soroks√°ron √©s m√°sutt r√∂piratsz√≥r√°sokkal, a nyilasok elleni mer√©nyletekkel borzolta a fasiszt√°k idegeit ‚Äď azonban tov√°bbra is szigor√ļan a Szovjetuni√≥ √°rny√©k√°ban mŇĪk√∂dtek. A n√©pfront vid√©ken is ki√©p√≠tette b√°zisait, a bolsevik p√°rt igyekezett elj√°tszani a nagy ir√°ny√≠t√≥ szerep√©t, de az 1941-ben megalakult Parasztsz√∂vets√©gben riv√°lisra tal√°lt. Antifasiszta t√ľntet√©sek √©s f√ľggetlens√©gi megmozdul√°sok egym√°st felv√°ltva zajlottak, n√©h√°ny alakulat √°t√°llt a szovjetekhez vagy a partiz√°nokhoz, hogy a bolsevizmus oldal√°n harcoljon. A proletari√°tus forradalmi hagyom√°nyai nem jelentek meg a sz√≠nen, a fasizmus, nacionalizmus, bolsevizmus szenth√°roms√°g egy√ľttes t√©boly√°val szemben nem volt szemben√°ll√°s ebben a t√©rs√©gben.

1944. j√ļnius√°ban egy mag√°t anarchist√°nak nevezŇĎ csoport adott mag√°r√≥l √©letjelet, egy √©szak-magyarorsz√°gi kisv√°rosban lebonyol√≠tott akci√≥j√°val. M√°r mŇĪk√∂d√©s√ľk kezdet√©n teljesen hamis (√∂nfelsz√°mol√≥) sz√∂vets√©get alkottak a bolsevik partiz√°nokkal, de √∂sszevesztek a mindink√°bb ir√°ny√≠tani akar√≥ szt√°linist√°kkal, akik azt√°n feladt√°k ŇĎket a fasiszt√°kn√°l. A csoport √©letben maradt tagjai frakci√≥kra szakadtak, egy r√©sz√ľk beolvadt a bolsevik p√°rtba, m√°sok pedig direkt akci√≥kat hajtottak v√©gre. Megt√°madtak k√©t hadihaj√≥t a magyarorsz√°gi folyami flott√°b√≥l, azt√°n a V√°rban felrobbantottak egy √ľzemanyag rakt√°rt. A mozgalom harmadik r√©sz√©nek tagjait lelŇĎtt√©k, mik√∂zben azok megt√°madtak egy n√°ci rezidenci√°t. Budapest ostromakor szabot√°zs-tev√©kenys√©get folytattak, amely sor√°n 200 aktivista meghalt. Ezek ut√°n – egy Korsakin nevŇĪ mozgalm√°r kiv√©tel√©vel, aki nem √©rtett egyet t√°rsaival -, √ļgy d√∂nt√∂ttek, hogy tev√©kenys√©g√ľket besz√ľntetik addig, ameddig nem v√°lik szovjet z√≥n√°v√° Magyarorsz√°g, √©s ut√°na majd megl√°tj√°k mi a teendŇĎ. Addig is munkaosztagokban √©s k√≥rh√°zakban dolgoztak. 1945. j√ļnius√°ban a mozgalom gyŇĪl√©st tartott, amelyen mindh√°rom ir√°nyzat k√©pviseltette mag√°t. A P. M. szign√≥val (ami m√∂g√∂tt egy di√°k √°llt) jel√∂lt ir√°nyzat a bolsevikokkal val√≥ egy√ľttmŇĪk√∂d√©s mellett sz√°llt s√≠kra, √©s abban rem√©nykedett, hogy a burzso√°zi√°val val√≥ lesz√°mol√°sok sor√°n a bolsevikokkal is lesz√°molhatnak. A Torock√≥i nev√©vel f√©mjelzett csoport c√©lja a mozgalom leg√°liss√° t√©tele volt, m√≠g a Korsakin-f√©le ir√°nyzat folytatni akarta a harcot az √°llam √©s az orosz csapatok ellen. A “hogyan tov√°bb” k√©rd√©s√©t demokratikus √ļton d√∂nt√∂tt√©k el, √©s mindh√°rom csoport kijelentette, hogy tartja mag√°t a t√∂bbs√©g d√∂nt√©s√©hez. A t√∂bbs√©get a Torock√≥i-f√©le ir√°nyzat szerezte meg, √≠gy a mozgalom leg√°liss√° v√°lt, fel√°ll√≠tottak egy nyomd√°t √©s elkezdt√©k propaganda-tev√©kenys√©g√ľket. Ekkor 500 akt√≠v taggal rendelkezett mozgalmuk. A k√©sŇĎbbiek sor√°n a csoport ism√©t szembeker√ľlt a bolsevikokkal, akik az elsŇĎ adand√≥ alkalommal felsz√°molt√°k a vel√ľk szemben harcol√≥ csoportot (ez m√°r a szt√°linista hatalom korszak√°ban t√∂rt√©nt, amikor az egyik csepeli √ľzemben sztr√°jk t√∂rt ki). Szervezetlens√©g√ľk, demokratizmusuk, a letiszt√°zott k√∂z√∂s program hi√°nya √∂nfelsz√°mol√°sra √≠t√©lte a n√©pfrontba √©s oszt√°lykollabor√°ci√≥ba rohadt sz√©lsŇĎbalos v√°llalkoz√°sukat. V√©g√ľl meg√©rkezett az olyannyira √°h√≠tott V√∂r√∂s Hadsereg √©s ott folytatta a munk√°soszt√°ly kizsigerel√©s√©t, ahol a nyilasok abbahagyt√°k. T√∂rtek-z√ļztak, kifosztott√°k a munk√°sok lak√°sait, az √ļtjukba ker√ľlo nŇĎket, l√°nyokat megerŇĎszakolt√°k, aki ellenkezni pr√≥b√°lt azt lelŇĎtt√©k. A szovjetek √°ltal fogs√°gba ejtett katon√°kat deport√°lt√°k, kiv√©gezt√©k, sokan hossz√ļ √©vtizedekre a gul√°gok ‚Äěvend√©geiv√©‚ÄĚ v√°ltak. A 14,6 milli√≥s √∂sszlakoss√°gb√≥l kb. 340-360 ezer katona √©s k√∂zel 600 ezer, fŇĎleg munk√°soszt√°lybeli, civil halt meg a burzso√°zia diadalmas hadj√°rata sor√°n. Az ‚Äě√ļj korszak‚ÄĚ nem jelentett semmi pozit√≠vat a munk√°soszt√°lyra n√©zve, az √≥v√≥helyekrol kijŇĎve a nyomor √©s a kizs√°km√°nyol√°s j√∂vŇĎj√©t kapta ‚Äď m√°sfajta burzso√° keretek k√∂z√∂tt. A kapitalizmus k√∂vetkezŇĎ l√°ncszeme a bolseviz√°l√≥d√°s volt, hogy azt√°n fel√ļj√≠ts√°k a monopolkapitalizmus eredeti verzi√≥j√°t. Nek√ľnk azonban tov√°bbra is csak egyetlen feladatunk van √©s az nem kev√©s: likvid√°lni az oszt√°lyt√°rsadalmat, hogy v√©gre √ļgy √ľlj√ľnk le s√∂r√∂zni, hogy ne kelljen az √°rlapot √©s az √≥r√°t n√©zni. Ott a hideg s√∂r‚Ķ l√°tod?