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Relaxed looting of a supermarket

How is it to be done? ūüėÄ

Categories: Greek Fire

√Āllami elnyom√°s

K√∂zvetlen a 2008 decemberi felkel√©s ut√°n az √°llam megk√≠s√©relte helyrehozni sebzett preszt√≠zs√©t √©s helyre√°ll√≠tani a hullaszag√ļ t√°rsadalmi b√©k√©t, mivel f√©lŇĎ, hogy v√°ls√°g √°rny√©k√°ban √ļj l√°zad√°s √©s t√°rsadalmi nyugtalans√°g t√∂rhet ki. Mivel a t√°rsadalmi “romlotts√°g” egyik b√ļv√≥hely√©nek tartj√°k Exarchi√°t, ez√©rt csaptak le r√° √©s vezett√©k be a h√°bor√ļt id√©zŇĎ rendŇĎri megsz√°ll√°st. K√∂zben az √°llam √ļgy tŇĪnik, hogy tov√°bbfejlesztette a jogi fegyvereit is, hogy k√∂nnyebben ellenŇĎrz√©se alatt tudja tartani a t√°rsadalmi szf√©r√°t: p√©ld√°ul h√°zkutat√°sokat rendeltek el – a fŇĎ√ľgy√©sz Sanidas seg√≠ts√©g√©vel – a b√ļv√≥helyeken √©s squatokban, vagy √©letbel√©ptett√©k a koukoulonomos-t (kapucni visel√©s elleni t√∂rv√©ny) a t√ľntet√©seken. Ezzel p√°rhuzamosan megkezdt√©k az egyetemi mened√©kjogot felsz√°molni: Propylaea-t a rendŇĎrs√©g lez√°rta 2009. december√©ben, √©s t√∂bbsz√∂r is behatolt ath√©ni √©s tesszalonikii egyetemi kampuszokra.

A k√∂zrend helyre√°ll√≠t√°sa miatt az √°llam n√∂velte a rendŇĎr√∂k l√©tsz√°m√°t √©s √ļj, motoros egys√©geket hozott l√©tre, “Delta” √©s a “Dias” n√©ven. Komolyan erŇĎs√∂d√∂tt a rendŇĎri jelenl√©t minden v√°rosr√©szben. Hogy Ath√©n belv√°ros√°b√≥l kiterjessz√©k a rendŇĎr√°llam mŇĪveleteit m√°s ter√ľletekre is, 2010 m√°rcius√°ban Ath√©n √©s Tesszaloniki utc√°in 2000 motoros rendŇĎri egys√©g cirk√°lt a v√°ros k√ľlsŇĎ negyedeiben. A korm√°ny k√©ts√©gbeesetten pr√≥b√°lja az egyetlen lehets√©ges k√©pet k√∂zvet√≠teni mag√°r√≥l a t√°rsadalom fel√©, az √°llampolg√°rok √°ll√≠t√≥lagos biztons√°g√°nak szavatol√°s√°t. Ez√©rt azt√°n motoros zsaruk naponta cirk√°lnak tov√°bbra is a v√°rosokban, ami hozz√°vetŇĎleg f√©l milli√≥ eur√≥ba ker√ľl.

Ezeket az int√©zked√©sek alkotj√°k a zer√≥-tolerancia elv√©nek h√°tter√©t, ami a demokr√°cia h√°tt√©ralkuinak csendj√©t megt√∂rŇĎ tiltakoz√°sokat s√ļjta: a rendŇĎri erŇĎk megelŇĎzŇĎ l√©p√©sei, hogy a tiltakoz√≥kat beviszik, megrohamozz√°k a szabad t√°rsadalmi tereket (Resalto, Giannena), √©s erŇĎvel (letart√≥ztat√°sokkal, ver√©sekkel √©s vegyi fegyverekkel) vernek le minden demonstr√°ci√≥t, amelyek fokozatosan egyre harciasabbakk√° v√°lnak. Ezekre j√≥ p√©lda a nikaia-i √©s a byronas-i kivonul√°s, ahol az √°llam b√©rgyilkosai ellen tiltakoztak, akik meg√∂lt√©k Mohammed Kamran Atifot (miut√°n megk√≠nozt√°k a rendŇĎrs√©gen) √©s Nikola Todit (akit az utc√°n lŇĎtt√©k le a zsaruk egy tŇĪzp√°rbajban).

Ezt a kegyetlen politikai elnyom√°st erŇĎs√≠ti a m√©dia √©s m√°s k√∂zvet√≠tŇĎ szervezetek, mint a politikai p√°rtok √©s a szakszervezetek; ezek hivatottak alak√≠tani a k√∂zhangulatot, illetve ideol√≥giai s√≠kon int√©ztek t√°mad√°sokat a tiltakoz√≥k ellen. Erre tipikus p√©lda az anarchista mozgalom kriminaliz√°l√°sa fejp√©nzek hirdet√©s√©vel √©s koholt v√°dak terjeszt√©s√©vel, melyek szerint a mozgalom “bŇĪn√∂zŇĎkkel”, fegyveres csoportokkal mŇĪk√∂dik egy√ľtt.

Mindezekhez hozz√°j√∂n m√©g az, hogy G√∂r√∂gorsz√°g √©s T√∂r√∂korsz√°g k√∂z√∂tt k√ľl√∂n√∂sen j√≥ egy√ľttmŇĪk√∂d√©s alakult ki az elnyom√°s ter√©n. Legut√≥bb a v√©delmi szoftvereket friss√≠tik, hogy √∂sszekapcsolhass√°k a Frontex rendszereivel, amiket a f√∂ldi, tengeri √©s l√©gi hat√°rellenŇĎrz√©sre haszn√°lnak. A korm√°nyhivatalok a t√∂r√∂k kolleg√°ik rep√ľlŇĎj√°ratait haszn√°lj√°k fel arra, hogy azt√°n a l√©gt√©r megs√©rt√©serŇĎl besz√©lhessenek, mivel a m√ļltban sokszor hasznosnak bizonyult “k√ľlsŇĎ ellens√©g” k√©pe a belsŇĎ kr√≠zisek kezel√©s√©re, mint pl. a jelenlegi gazdas√°gi v√°ls√°g. Nem v√©letlen, hogy a k√ľlsŇĎ ellens√©g k√©pe √©ppen akkor jelenik meg, amikor a helyi uralkod√≥oszt√°ly nem √©rzi mag√°t biztons√°gban.

forr√°s: contrainfo

State Repression

Immediately after the uprising of December 2008, the state attempted to restore its wounded prestige and re-establish a funereal social peace, fearing riots and unrests that could erupt in anticipation of the economic recession. It targeted Exarchia, mainly as a place of social iniquity, and imposed a military-style police occupation. In the meantime, the state sought to strengthen its legal arsenal in order to better control the social sphere, either by ordering ‚Äď through prosecutor Sanidas ‚Äď searches in hangouts and squats, or by applying the koukoulonomos (hood-wearing-law) in demonstrations. At the same time, a sustained effort to remove the university asylum status began, with the police guarding the Propylaea in December ‚Äė09, continuously violating it in the Thessaloniki and Athens campuses.

The state sought to reorganize public order, increasing the number of cops and creating new units, such as the mechanized units ‚ÄúDelta‚ÄĚ and ‚ÄúDias‚ÄĚ. Meanwhile there was a considerable increase of police presence around all neighborhoods. In March 2010, in the streets of Athens and Thessaloniki, there was a flux of 2000 motorcycles of the newly created bike unit ‚ÄúDias‚ÄĚ, in an attempt to shift the police-state existing in the center of Athens throughout all neighborhoods. The government is trying to project the only image they can offer to society, that of the alleged safety of citizens. Thus, the cops-bikers will ride daily their motorcycles, which cost around half a million euros.

All these actions set up the background of the doctrine of zero tolerance, which applies to all social protests attempting to break the silent consensus to democracy: a police force acting preventively, bringing in protesters, invading free social spaces, (Resalto, Giannena), forcefully suppressing demonstrations that become progressively more militant (with arrests, beatings and chemical weapons). Indicative are the marches in Nikaia and Byronas protesting the state murders of Mohammed Kamran Atif (after torture in a PD) and Nikola Todi (on the street during a cops’ shootout).

This harsh political repression is strengthened by the media and other mechanisms of mediation, such as political parties and trade unions, which assume the role of changing the perception on facts and execute ideological attacks on protesters. A typical example is the attempt of criminalization of the anarchist movement through offering bounties, imaginary scenarios on its relationship with ‚Äúcriminal offenders‚ÄĚ, armed groups etc.

Simultaneously, a very good level of cooperation between Greece and Turkey in the area of repression has been fostered. Lately, an upgrade to the software of the weapons systems is taking place, in order to link with those of Frontex deployed along the borders, in the air as well as in others. Meanwhile, the government agencies are using the flights of aircrafts of their colleagues, presenting them as ‚Äúviolations‚ÄĚ, as it has been found in the past an effective means to use the ‚Äúexternal enemy‚ÄĚ to deal with internal crises, such as the current financial plight. It is no coincidence that the threat is always appearing when the local rulers feel uneasy in their position.

source: contrainfo

2008. December Insurrection Greece

Categories: Greek Fire

TPTG – Kritikus √©s fojtogat√≥ idŇĎket √©l√ľnk…

A most k√∂vetkezŇĎ sz√∂veg a m√°jus 5.-√©n √©s az azt k√∂vetŇĎ napon tartott t√ľntet√©sekrŇĎl k√©sz√ľlt riport, kieg√©sz√≠tve a n√©h√°ny √°ltal√°nos gondolattal arr√≥l kritikus helyzet√©rŇĎl, amivel G√∂r√∂gorsz√°gban a mozgalom mostan√°ban szembetal√°lta mag√°t.


Az egyre g√°tl√°stalanabb fisk√°lis terrorizmus ellen√©re, ami √°lland√≥an √°llamcsŇĎddel fenyegetŇĎzik √©s a “sz√ľks√©ges √°ldozatokr√≥l” papol, a prolet√°rok felvett√©k a kesztyŇĪt a megszor√≠t√≥ int√©zked√©sekkel szemben azon az est√©n, amikor a g√∂r√∂g parlament megszavazta a reformokat. A diktat√ļra √∂sszeoml√°sa √≥ta nem volt ekkora munk√°st√ľntet√©s, m√©g a nyugd√≠jreformnak sikeresen ellen√°ll√≥ 2001-es demonstr√°ci√≥ sem volt ekkora horderejŇĪ. Sz√°m√≠t√°saink szerint t√∂bb 200.000 t√ľntetŇĎ gyŇĪlt √∂ssze Ath√©n k√∂zpontj√°ban, √©s orsz√°g k√ľl√∂nb√∂zŇĎ ter√ľletein ezen k√≠v√ľl m√©g kb. 50.000-en.

Majdnem minden (√ļjra)termel√©si szektorban voltak sztr√°jkok. Azok a prolet√°rok is jelen voltak, akik 2008. december√©ben sz√°llta meg az utc√°kat (√©s akiket a mainstream m√©dia becsm√©rlŇĎen “kapucnis fiataloknak” is titul√°lt), balt√°kkal, kalap√°csokkal, p√∂r√∂ly√∂kkel, molotov kokt√©lokkal, k√∂vekkel, g√°z√°larcokkal, v√©dŇĎszem√ľvegekkel √©s hus√°ngokkal felszerelkezve,. B√°r p√°r esetben elŇĎfordult, hogy az elmaszkozott l√°zad√≥k t√°mad√°saira a t√∂meg elutas√≠t√≥an reag√°lt, de megtal√°lt√°k a hely√ľket a t√ľntetŇĎk tarka, sz√≠nes √©s d√ľh√∂s folyam√°ban. A jelszavak sz√©les sk√°l√°n mozogtak, a politikai rendszer eg√©sz√©nek elutas√≠t√°s√°t√≥l (“Gy√ļjtsuk fel az eg√©sz parlamenti kupler√°jt!”) a hazafias mott√≥kon √°t (“Az IMF-nek mennie kell!”) a populizmusig (“Tolvajok!”, “B√∂rt√∂nbe az √∂sszes csal√≥val!”). A politikusokat gyal√°z√≥, agress√≠v jelszavak egyre ink√°bb n√©pszerŇĪbbek ezeken a t√ľntet√©seken.

A GSEE-ADEDY dem√≥ra (√°ltal√°nos √©s k√∂zalkalmozotti szakszervezetek) ezrek √©rkeztek, majd amikor besz√©det akart mondani, a GSEE eln√∂k√∂t kif√ľty√ľlt√©k. Igen kevesen k√∂vett√©k a GSEE vez√©rkar√°t, amikor megism√©telte a m√°rcius 11.-i elterelŇĎ hadmŇĪvelet√©t, hogy ne kapcsol√≥djanak √∂ssze a demonstr√°ci√≥k egyetlen frontt√°.

A PAME (A Kommunista P√°rt “Munk√°s frontja”) dem√≥ja szint√©n nagy t√∂megeket mozg√≥s√≠tott (j√≥val 20.000 ember felett) √©s ŇĎk √©rt√©k elŇĎsz√∂r el a Syntagma teret. A terv√ľk az volt, hogy elidŇĎznek ott egy darabig, majd elvonulnak, mielŇĎtt a t√ľntet√©s fŇĎ vonala meg√©rkezik. De a szakszervezeti tagok nem mentek sehova, ott maradtak a t√©ren, √©s felbŇĎsz√ľlve szidt√°k politikusokat. A KP vezetŇĎje szerint fasiszta provok√°torok (ŇĎ konkr√©tan a LAOS p√°rtot v√°dolta, ami sz√©lsŇĎjobbos gennyl√°d√°kat √©s junta ut√°n nosztalgi√°z√≥ szemeteket t√∂m√∂r√≠t) PAME t√°bl√°kat hordozva b√ļjtogatt√°k a KP tagokat a Parlament ostrom√°ra, hogy ezzel j√°rass√°k le a p√°rt alkotm√°nyos elk√∂telezetts√©g√©t!

Mivel l√°ttak fasiszt√°kat arrafel√©, van n√©mi alapja a v√°daknak, de a t√©nyek azt mutatj√°k – szemtan√ļk szerint -, hogy a KP vez√©rkar√°nak neh√©zs√©gei t√°madtak, amikor a tags√°gukat gyorsan el akart√°k vez√©nyelni a t√©rrŇĎl, meg amikor le akart√°k ŇĎket csit√≠tani, hogy ne √ľv√∂lt√∂zzenek a Parlament ellen. Tal√°n korai lenne ezt a jelens√©get a p√°rton bel√ľli vasfegyelem elleni engedelmetlens√©gnek tulajdon√≠tani, de ilyen v√°ltoz√©kony idŇĎkben sosem lehet tudni…

Hetven vagy m√©g t√∂bb fasiszta t√°borozott le a rohamrendŇĎr√∂kkel szemben, szidt√°k a politikusokat (“Kurva anyj√°t az √∂sszes politikusnak!”), √©nekelgett√©k a himnuszt, m√©g k√∂veket is dob√°ltak a parlament fel√©. Nyilv√°nval√≥an azzal a sz√°nd√©kkal telepedtek le, hogy megakad√°lyozhatj√°k az erŇĎszak elharap√≥z√°s√°t, de hamarosan elnyelt√©k ŇĎket a t√©rre √©rkezŇĎ t√ľntetŇĎk n√∂vekvŇĎ hull√°mai.

Nemsokkal k√©sŇĎbb a munk√°sok t√∂megei (villanyszerelŇĎk, postai dolgoz√≥k, √∂nkorm√°nyzati alkalmazottak) megpr√≥b√°ltak benyomulni a Parlamentbe minden lehets√©ges bej√°raton, de az terraszon is, √©s m√°s bej√°ratokn√°l is rohamrendŇĎr√∂k sz√°zai √°llt√°k az √ļtjukat. A munk√°soknak m√°sik csoportja – nŇĎk √©s f√©rfiak, √∂regek √©s fiatalok egyar√°nt – az Ismeretlen Katona s√≠rj√°n√°l n√©ztek farkasszemet a zsarukkal, szidt√°k √©s fenyegett√©k ŇĎket.

Hi√°ba ind√≠tott a rohamrendŇĎrs√©g √°tfog√≥ ellent√°mad√°st k√∂nnyg√°zzal √©s tŇĪzgr√°n√°tokkal, hi√°ba oszlatt√°k fel a t√∂meget, mert a t√ľntetŇĎk √ļj blokkjai √©rkeztek a Parlament el√©, illetve a kiszor√≠tott t√ľntetŇĎk √ļjra rendezt√©k soraikat a Panepistimiou utc√°ban √©s a Syngrou sug√°r√ļton. Ezek a kiszorult csoportok megt√°madt√°k az √ľzleteket √©s r√°t√°madtak a rohamrendŇĎr√∂kre, akik a k√∂rnyezŇĎ utc√°kat tartott√°k blok√°d alatt.

B√°r lez√°rt√°k a nagyobb √©p√ľletek t√∂bbs√©g√©t vasredŇĎny√∂kkel, a tiltakoz√≥knak v√©g√ľl siker√ľlt megt√°madniuk p√°r bankot √©s korm√°ny√©p√ľletet. A legnagyobb k√°rok a fŇĎleg a Syngrou sug√°r√ļton keletkeztek, mert a rendŇĎr√∂k nem voltak elegen az azonali v√°laszl√©p√©shez. Ugyanis parancsba kapt√°k a fakab√°tok, hogy elsŇĎsorban a Parlament √©p√ľlet√©nek v√©delme elsŇĎbs√©get √©lvez √©s ez√©rt Panapistrimiou √©s a Stadiou utc√°t kell megtiszt√≠taniuk, mert ezen a k√©t sug√°ruton kereszt√ľl a t√∂meg √°lland√≥an visszasziv√°rgott a Parlamenthez. A prolet√°rok felgy√ļjtott√°k a luxusaut√≥kat, az Ad√≥hivatal √©p√ľlet√©t √©s az Ath√©ni Prefekt√ļr√°t. A belv√°ros m√©g √≥r√°kkal k√©sŇĎbb is √ļgy n√©zett ki, mint egy h√°bor√ļs √∂vezet.

H√°rom √≥r√°n kereszt√ľl tartottak az √∂sszecsap√°sok. Lehetetlen minden r√©szletet lejegyezni, ami az utc√°kon t√∂rt√©nt, de ezen az eseten kereszt√ľl be tudjuk mutatni a szitu√°ci√≥t: a tan√°roknak √©s m√°s munk√°sok egy csoportj√°nak siker√ľlt beker√≠tenie p√°r a D-csoporthoz tartoz√≥ rohamrendŇĎrt – rohamrendŇĎrs√©g √ļj motoros √°llom√°nya – √©s mik√∂zben √ľt√∂tt√©k ŇĎket, azok √≠gy ny√ľsz√≠tettek: “Ne √ľssetek, mi is munk√°sok vagyunk!”

A Panepistimiou √ļtra szorult t√ľntetŇĎk √°lland√≥an visszat√©rtek a Parlamanthez, ahol az √∂sszecsap√°sok a rendŇĎrs√©ggel √°lland√≥sultak. A t√∂meg ism√©t vegyes volt, √©s esze √°g√°ba sem volt elhagyni a teret. Egy k√∂z√©pkor√ļ hivatali alkalmazott kŇĎvel a kez√©ben megindultan mes√©lte nek√ľnk, hogy mennyire eml√©kezteti a szitu√°ci√≥ a diktat√ļra √∂sszeoml√°s√°t k√∂vetŇĎ elsŇĎ √©vekre, pl. amikor r√©szt vett az a rendŇĎrs√©g √°ltal meggyilkolt 20 √©ves munk√°snŇĎ, Kanellopoulou tisztelet√©re rendezett megeml√©kez√©sen a MŇĪszaki Egyetemn√©l 1980.-ban.

Hirtelen v√©rfagyaszt√≥ h√≠reket kaptunk a mobilunkon a k√ľlf√∂ldi h√≠r√°llom√°sokr√≥l: Az egyik l√°ngol√≥ bankban h√°rom vagy n√©gy ember √©let√©t vesztette!

T√∂rt√©nt p√°r k√≠s√©rlet, hogy bankokat √©gessenek porig, de a legt√∂bb esetben a t√∂meg lemondott r√≥la, mert sztr√°jkt√∂rŇĎket z√°rtak be az √©p√ľletekbe. V√©g√ľl csak a Stadiou utcai Marfin Bank fi√≥kj√°t gy√ļjtott√°k fel. P√°r perccel a trag√©dia elŇĎtt a sztr√°jkol√≥k szervezett t√∂mbjei – nem pedig “kapucnis hulig√°nok”! – szitkoz√≥dtak a bankosokkal, “sztr√°jt√∂rŇĎknek” h√≠vt√°k ŇĎket, √©s k√∂ny√∂r√∂gtek neki, hogy hagyj√°k el az √©p√ľletet.

Az ilyen megmozdul√°sokon szok√°sos nagy kavarod√°s, illetve a demonstr√°ci√≥ kiterjed√©se √©s erŇĎteljess√©ge miatt nyilv√°nval√≥, hogy r√©szletes inform√°ci√≥kat lehetetlen egy ilyen trag√©di√°r√≥l kider√≠teni. Amit biztosan tudunk a szemtan√ļk elbesz√©l√©seibŇĎl √∂sszerakva a t√∂rt√©nteket: az Ath√©n sz√≠v√©ben l√©vŇĎ bankban az √°ltal√°nos sztr√°jk napj√°n a 20 banki tiszts√©gviselŇĎ k√©nyszer√≠tettek munk√°ra a fŇĎn√∂keik, bez√°rt√°k ŇĎket a “saj√°t v√©delm√ľk √©rdek√©ben” √©s v√©g√ľl h√°rman fullad√°s k√∂vetkezt√©ben √©let√ľket vesztett√©k.

A f√∂ldszinti ablakt√°bl√°k k√∂z√∂tti r√©sen kereszt√ľl egy molotov kokt√©lt haj√≠tottak be, √©s a t√ľntetŇĎk hi√°ba k√∂ny√∂r√∂gtek, amikor a banki dolgoz√≥k az erk√©lyre kimentek, hogy hagyj√°k el a bankot, ŇĎk visszamentek eloltani a t√ľzet. Hogy mi t√∂rt√©nt ezut√°n pontosan, √©s hogyan kapott l√°ngra az eg√©sz √©p√ľlet pillanatok alatt, az m√°ig ismeretlen.

Az ezut√°n k√∂vetkezŇĎ h√°tborzongat√≥ esem√©nyekrŇĎl r√©szletes besz√°mol√≥kat kaphattunk: hogyan pr√≥b√°ltak seg√≠teni a t√ľntetŇĎk a beszorult munk√°soknak, a tŇĪzolt√≥knak t√ļl sok√°ig tartott ŇĎket kiszabad√≠tani, a mosolyg√≥ milli√°rdos bank√°rt √ľld√∂zte el a feld√ľh√∂d√∂tt t√∂meg. Nemsok√°ra a minisztereln√∂k a Parlamenti telefr√∂cs√∂gte a k√©pernyŇĎket a korm√°ny l√©p√©sei ellen t√ľntetŇĎk felelŇĎtlens√©g√©vel, majd kijelentette, hogy a korm√°ny “megv√°lt√≥ int√©zked√©sei” vel√ľk szemben az “√©letet hirdetik”.

A t√ľntetŇĎk megh√°tr√°ltak. Nemsokkal k√©sŇĎbb a rohamrendŇĎr√∂k erŇĎteljes hadmŇĪvelete k√∂vetkezett: a t√∂meget feloszlatt√°k √©s el√ľld√∂zt√©k, √©s a v√°rosk√∂zpontot k√©sŇĎ estig kordon alatt tartott√°k. Exarchi√°t, a liberter ker√ľletet ostrom al√° vett√©k, egy anarchista squatot megt√°madtak √©s t√∂bb embert letart√≥ztattak. Megt√°madt√°k a bev√°ndorl√≥k negyed√©t is, teljesen sz√©tvert√©k a zsaruk, a v√°ros levegŇĎj√©ben pedig a gomolyg√≥ f√ľst, a keserŇĪs√©g √©s a zsibbadts√°g lebeg.

Mindj√°rt m√°snap j√∂tt a v√°laszl√©p√©s: a m√©dia keselyŇĪi egybŇĎl a tragikus hal√°lesetekbŇĎl kov√°csoltak tŇĎk√©t, “szem√©lyes trag√©di√°nak” √°ll√≠tott√°k be, elszak√≠tva az √°ltal√°nos kontextus√°t√≥l (emberi testeket v√°gtak el a t√°rsadalmi viszonyaikt√≥l) √©s n√©h√°ny k√∂z√ľl√ľk od√°ig mer√©szkedett, hogy az ellen√°ll√°st √©s a t√ľntet√©st kriminaliz√°lja. A korm√°ny nyert egy kis idŇĎt a t√©ma √©s a konfliktusok √°tir√°ny√≠t√°s√°ra, a szakszervezetek pedig v√©gre felszabadulhattak a sztr√°jkfelh√≠v√°s al√≥l pontosan azon a napon, amikor megszor√≠t√≥ l√©p√©sek a Parlament el√© ker√ľltek.

A f√©lelem, a d√∂bbenet √©s a csal√≥dotts√°g √°tal uralt l√©gk√∂r√©ben is j√≥ p√°r ezren gy√ľlekeztek a Parlamentn√©l az esti tal√°lkoz√≥n, amit szakszervezetek √©s balos egyes√ľletek h√≠vtak √∂ssze. Ugyan√ļgy ott volt a harag, az √∂k√∂lbe szor√≠tott kezek; vizespalackok, a pet√°rd√°k √©s a zsarukat √©s a politikusokat szidalmaz√≥ jelszavak zuhogtak a rendŇĎr√∂kre. Az egyik idŇĎs nŇĎ arra b√≠ztatta a t√ľntetŇĎket, hogy ezt skand√°lj√°k: “[politikusok] Takarodjatok!”. Az egyik sr√°c az √ľvegbe hugyozott, √©s azt dobta a rendŇĎr√∂kre. Az anarchist√°k is √©rz√©keltett√©k a jelenl√©t√ľket. Amikor bes√∂t√©tedett a szakszervezetek √©s a balosok elhagyt√°k a teret, de az emberek, ezek a h√©tk√∂znapi, √°tlagos, fegyvertelen emberek nem akartak mozdulni.

Ahogy a rendŇĎr√∂k brut√°lisan r√°juk t√°madtak, el√ľld√∂zt√©k ŇĎket, leszor√≠tott√°k a Syntagma t√©r l√©pcsŇĎirŇĎl ŇĎket, a megriadt, de feld√ľh√≠tett fiatalok √©s √∂regek v√©g√ľl a k√∂zeli utc√°kba szorultak. A rend helyre√°llt. De nem csak a f√©lelem csillogott a szem√ľkben; a harag is. M√©rget vehet√ľnk r√°, hogy m√©g visszat√©rnek!

Következzen pár észrevétel:

1. Az ut√≥bbi idŇĎkben egyre hevesebben √©s egyre gyakrabban csap le rendŇĎrs√©g az anarchist√°kra √©s az antiautoriterekre. A sz√©lsŇĎbaloldalt√≥l radik√°lisabb t√°rsadalmi-politikai milliŇĎ kriminaliz√°l√°s√°t az √°llam terelŇĎ hadmŇĪveletk√©nt haszn√°lta fel eddig is, de most m√©g ink√°bb, mert a hal√°los √°ldozatokkal j√°r√≥ t√°mad√°s kedvezŇĎ felt√©teleket teremtett ehhez. Ugyanakkor az IMF-t √©s a korm√°ny “megv√°lt√≥ csomagjair√≥l” nem tereli el az anarchist√°k elleni v√°dak a t√∂bb sz√°zezer t√ľntetŇĎ figyelm√©t, de m√©g azok√©t sem, akik eddig otthonr√≥l figyelt√©k agg√≥dva az esem√©nyeket. K√∂reink zaklat√°sa nem fizeti ki az emberek sz√°ml√°it √©s nem biztos√≠tja a j√∂vŇĎj√ľket, amit a korm√°ny int√©zked√©sei elraboltak tŇĎl√ľk. A korm√°nynak nincs m√°s v√°laszt√°sa, csak hogy az eg√©sz ellen√°ll√°st kriminaliz√°lja, √©s ezt m√°r meg is kezdte, ahogy a m√°jus 6.-i t√∂rt√©n√©sek ezt vil√°gosan megmutatt√°k.

2. A korm√°ny megpr√≥b√°lja majd a “felelŇĎs√©get” bizonyos politikusokra terelni, hogy a t√∂megeket “v√©rszomj√°t” kiel√©g√≠tse. Lelepleznek p√°r √©gbeki√°lt√≥ “korrupci√≥s” √ľgyet √©s fel√°ldoznak egy-k√©t politikust a ked√©lyek lecsillap√≠t√°s√°nak √©rdek√©ben.

3. Az uralkod√≥ oszt√°ly retteg a politikai v√°ls√°g m√©ly√ľl√©s√©tŇĎl √©s att√≥l, hogy ez v√©g√ľl legitim√°ci√≥s v√°ls√°gba csap √°t; ezt mutatja a LAOS √©s a KP l√°tv√°nyos pengev√°lt√°sai, amikben az “alkotm√°nyos elkorcsosul√°sra” hivatkoznak. A prolet√°rfelkel√©stŇĎl val√≥ f√©lelm√ľkben pr√≥b√°lj√°k visszaterelni a hitelv√°ls√°g t√©m√°j√°t az utc√°kr√≥l a hivatalos politikai sz√≠npadra, √©s erre t√∂bb forgat√≥k√∂nyv is feleleven√≠tettek (√ľzletember-szak√©rtŇĎi korm√°ny, vagy igazi junta-t√≠pus√ļ rezsim). Sz√°mukra nem az az √©rdekes, hogy mi lesz a megold√°s, hanem hogy ki ker√ľl hatalomra.

4. Ezek ut√°n pedig t√©rj√ľnk r√° a m√©g √©letbev√°g√≥bb dolgokra. Az √°llamad√≥s√°g miatt uralkod√≥ f√©lelmet √©s bŇĪntudatot egy√©rtelmŇĪen az ellen√°ll√°s√©rt, (az erŇĎszakos) felkel√©s√©rt √©rzett f√©lelemre √©s bŇĪntudatra akarj√°k √°tv√°ltani. Amennyiben az oszt√°lyharc kisz√©lesedik, a polg√°rh√°bor√ļ elker√ľlhetetlen lesz. Az erŇĎszak k√©rd√©se m√°r √≠gy is a k√∂z√©ppontban van. √ögyan√ļgy, ahogy elemezz√ľk az √°llam √©s az erŇĎszak viszony√°t, √ļgyan√ļgy a prolet√°rerŇĎszakot is meg kell vitatnunk: a mozgalomnak foglalkoznia kell a l√°zad√°s fogadtat√°s√°val, √©s fejlesztenie kell annak gyakorlati tartalm√°t. Az erŇĎszak fetisiz√°l√°sa √©s macho dicsf√©nye t√ļls√°gosan is r√©gen jelen van az anarchist√°k √©s a felkelŇĎk k√∂z√∂tt ahhoz, hogy pont most ne foglalkozzunk vele. M√°r √©vek √≥ta terjesztik a k√∂reinkben a kiz√°r√≥lagos erŇĎszakot (bele√©rtve a fegyveres harcot is), √©s a decemberi l√°zad√°s ut√°n kider√ľlt, hogy az eg√©sz milliŇĎt √°thatja ez a nihilista rothad√°s (erre pr√≥b√°ltunk figyelmeztetni a Rebellious Passage c. sz√∂veg√ľnkben). E politikai k√∂z√∂ss√©g perif√©ri√°j√°n n√∂vekszik azoknak a fiataloknak a sz√°ma, akik a nihilista, hat√°rtalan erŇĎszakra (“Decemberi nihilizmusk√©nt” n√©pszerŇĪs√≠tik) √©s “rombol√°sra” buzd√≠tanak, ami a v√°ltoz√≥ tŇĎke puszt√≠t√°s√°t is jelenti egyben (a sztr√°jkt√∂rŇĎk, “kispolg√°ri elemek” √©s a “t√∂rv√©nytisztelŇĎ √°llampolg√°rok” szem√©ly√©ben). Ez a degener√°ci√≥ a mozgalom korl√°tozotts√°g√°b√≥l, √©s a v√°ls√°ghelyzetbŇĎl fakad. Igaz, m√°r is megjelent a k√∂reinkben egy bizonyos m√©rt√©kŇĪ elutas√≠t√°s √©s √∂nkritika az ilyen magatart√°ssal szemben (bizonyos anarchista csoportok az elk√∂vetŇĎket “f√©l√°llami b√©renceknek” tartj√°k) √©s val√≥sz√≠nŇĪnek l√°tszik, hogy a szervezett anarchist√°k √©s antiautoriterek (csoportok √©s squatok) politikailag √©s szervezetileg is kik√∂z√∂s√≠tik az ilyen tendenci√°kat. De a helyzet j√≥val bonyolultabb √©s fel√ľlm√ļlja a milliŇĎ elm√©leti √©s gyakorlati (√∂n)kritikai lehetŇĎs√©geit. Visszagondolva hasonl√≥ tragikus esem√©nyek ugyan lej√°tsz√≥dhattak volna a decemberi l√°zad√°s sor√°n is, de nem csak a j√≥ szerencse √°llt √ļtj√°ban az ilyen borzalmaknak (pl. a benzink√ļt nem robbant fel a k√∂r√ľl√∂tte felgy√ļjtott h√°zakt√≥l december 7.-√©n, vas√°rnap, √©s hogy a z√∂mmel √©jszaka lej√°tsz√≥d√≥ csat√°k sor√°n az √©p√ľletek √ľresek voltak), hanem elsŇĎsorban az, hogy a prolet√°rok (m√©gha korl√°tozott) k√∂z√∂s tereket √©s harci k√∂z√∂ss√©geket hoztak l√©tre, amelyekben nem csak az erŇĎszak, de a tartalom, az eszmecser√©k √©s k√ľl√∂nf√©le kommunik√°ci√≥s m√≥dszerek is szerepet kaptak. A m√°r l√©tezŇĎ k√∂z√∂ss√©geket (di√°kok, foci hulig√°nok, bev√°ndorl√≥k, anarchist√°k) alak√≠tott√°k √°t a l√°zad√≥k harcos kollekt√≠v√°kk√°, √©s √≠gy az erŇĎszak a hely√©re ker√ľlt. Lesznek-e √ļjabb k√∂z√∂ss√©gek most, hogy m√°r nem csak egy prolet√°r kisebbs√©g √©rintett az esem√©nyekben? Lesz-e gyakorlati m√≥dja √∂nszervezŇĎd√©snek a munkahelyeken, a gett√≥kban vagy az utc√°kon, hogy meghat√°rozza a form√°j√°t √©s tartalm√°t a harcnak √©s √≠gy az erŇĎszak alkalmaz√°s√°t is egy felszabad√≠t√≥ perspektiv√°ba helyezze?

Nehéz kérdések ilyen nyomasztó korban, de meg kell találnunk a válaszokat, hogy harcolhassunk.

TPTG, 2010, m√°jus 9.

TPTG – In Critical And Suffocating Times

9th of May, 2010

The Ta Paida Tis Galarias (The Children of The Gallery) group report on the recent demonstrations in Athens against austerity measures, including the events leading to the tragic deaths of three bank workers and its implications for the movement of opposition.

What follows is a report on the demo of the 5th of May and the one that followed the day after and some general thoughts on the critical situation the movement in Greece is in at the time being.

Although in a period of acute fiscal terrorism escalating day after day with constant threats of an imminent state bankruptcy and ‚Äúsacrifices to be made‚ÄĚ, the proletariat‚Äôs response on the eve of the voting of the new austerity measures in Greek parliament was impressive. It was probably the biggest workers‚Äô demonstration since the fall of the dictatorship, even bigger than the 2001 demo which had led to the withdrawal of a planned pension reform. We estimate that there were more than two hundred thousand demonstrators in the centre of Athens and about fifty thousands in the rest of the country.

There were strikes in almost all sectors of the (re)production process. A proletarian crowd similar to the one which had taken to the streets in December 2008 (also called derogatorily ‚Äúhooded youth‚ÄĚ by mainstream media propaganda) was also there equipped with axes, sledges, hammers, molotov cocktails, stones, gas masks, goggles and sticks. Although there were instances that hooded rioters were booed when they attempted or actually made violent attacks on buildings, in general they fitted well within this motley, colourful, angered river of demonstrators. The slogans ranged from those that rejected the political system as a whole, like ‚ÄúLet‚Äôs burn the Parliament brothel‚ÄĚ to patriotic ones, like ‚ÄúIMF go away‚ÄĚ, and to populist ones like ‚ÄúThieves!‚ÄĚ and ‚ÄúPeople demand crooks to be sent to prison‚ÄĚ. Aggressive slogans referring to politicians in general are becoming more and more dominant nowadays.

At the GSEE-ADEDY demo (general and public sector worker unions) people started swarming the place in thousands and the GSEE president was hooted when he started speaking. When the GSEE leadership repeated their detour they had first done on the 11th of March in order to avoid the bulk of the demo and come to the front, just few followed this time…

The demo by the PAME (the Communist Party’s – CP’s – ‚ÄúWorkers‚Äô Front‚ÄĚ) was also big (well over 20,000) and reached Syntagma Square first. Their plan was to stay there for a while and leave just before the main, bigger demo was about to approach. However, their members would not leave but remained there angered chanting slogans against the politicians. According to the leader of the CP there were fascist provocateurs (she actually accused the LAOS party, this mish-mash of far-right thugs and junta nostalgic scum) carrying PAME placards inciting CP members to storm the Parliament and thus discredit the party‚Äôs loyalty to the constitution!

Although this accusation bears some validity because fascists were actually seen there, the truth is ‚Äďaccording to witnesses‚Äď that the CP leaders had some difficulty with their members in leading them quickly away from the square and preventing them from shouting angry slogans against the Parliament. It‚Äôs maybe too bold to regard it as a sign of a gradual disobedience to this monolithic party‚Äôs iron rule, but in such fluid times no one really knows‚Ķ

The 70 or more fascists stationed opposite the riot police were cursing the politicians (‚ÄúSons of a bitch, politicians‚ÄĚ), chanting the national anthem and even throwing some stones against the parliament and probably had the vain intention to prevent any escalation of the violence but were soon swallowed into huge waves of demonstrators approaching the square.

Soon, crowds of workers (electricians, postal workers, municipal workers etc.) tried to enter the building from any access available but there was none as hundreds of riot cops were strung out all along the forecourt and the entrances. Another crowd of workers of both sexes and all ages stood against the cops who were in front of the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier cursing and threatening them.

Despite the fact that the riot police made a massive counter-attack with tear gas and fire grenades and managed to disperse the crowd, there were constantly new blocks of demonstrators arriving in front of the Parliament while the first blocks which had been pushed back were reorganizing themselves in Panepistimiou St. and Syngrou Ave. They started smashing whatever they could and attacked the riot police squads who were strung out in the nearby streets.

Although most of the big buildings in the centre of the town were closed with rolling shutters, they managed to attack some banks and state buildings. There was extensive destruction of property especially in Syngrou Ave. because the cops were not enough to react immediately against that part of the rioters as the police had been ordered to give priority to the protection of the Parliament and the evacuation of Panepistimiou St. and Stadiou St., the two main avenues through which the crowd was constantly returning to it. Luxury cars, a Tax Office building and the Prefecture of Athens were set on fire and even hours later the area looked like a war-zone.

The fights lasted for almost three hours. It is impossible to record everything that happened in the streets. Just one incident: some teachers and other workers managed to encircle a few riot cops belonging to Group D ‚Äďa new body of riot police on motorcycles‚Äď and thrash them while the cops were screaming ‚ÄúPlease no, we are workers, too‚ÄĚ!

Demonstrators pushed into Panepistimiou St. kept returning in blocs to the Parliament and there were constant clashes with the police. The crowd was mixed again and would not go. A middle-aged municipal worker with stones in his hands was telling us, moved, how much the situation there reminded him of the first years after the fall of the dictatorship when he was present at the 1980 demo in commemoration of the Polytechnic uprising when the police murdered a woman, the 20-year old worker Kanellopoulou.

Soon the terrible news from foreign news agencies came on mobile phones: Three or four people dead in a burnt down bank!

There were some attempts to burn down banks in various places but in most cases the crowd didn‚Äôt go forward because there were scabs locked in them. It was only the building of Marfin Bank in Stadiou St. that was finally set on fire. Just a few minutes before the tragedy started, however, it was not ‚Äúhooded hooligans‚ÄĚ who shouted ‚Äúscabs‚ÄĚ at the bank employees but organized blocks of strikers who yelled and swore at them and called on them to abandon the building.

Given the bulk of the demo and its density, the turmoil and the noise of the chants, it‚Äôs obvious that a certain degree of confusion ‚Äďcommon in such situations‚Äď makes it difficult to provide the accurate facts concerning this tragic incident. What seems to be closer to the truth (from fragments of information by eye-witnesses put together) is that at this particular bank, right in the heart of Athens on a general strike day, about 20 bank clerks were made to work by their boss, got locked ‚Äúfor their protection‚ÄĚ and finally three of them died of suffocation.

Initially a molotov cocktail was thrown through a hole made on the window panes into the ground floor, however, when some bank clerks were seen on the balconies again, some demonstrators called them to leave and then they tried to put the fire out. What actually happened then and how in no time at all the building was ablaze, remains unknown.

The macabre series of events that followed with demonstrators trying to help those trapped inside, the fire brigade taking too long to take some of them out, the smiling billionaire banker being chased away by the angry crowd have been probably well reported. After some time the prime minister would announce the news in the Parliament condemning the ‚Äúpolitical irresponsibility‚ÄĚ of those who resist the measures taken and ‚Äúlead people to death‚ÄĚ while the government‚Äôs ‚Äúsalvation measures‚ÄĚ on the contrary ‚Äúpromote life‚ÄĚ.

The reversal was successful. Soon a huge operation by the riot police followed: the crowds were dispersed and chased away, the whole centre was cordoned until late in night. The libertarian enclave of Exarchia was placed under siege, an anarchist squat was invaded and many were arrested, the Immigrants’ Haunt was invaded and trashed and a persistent smoke over the city as well as a sense of bitterness and numbness would not go away…

The consequences were visible the very next day: the media vultures capitalised on the tragic death representing it as a ‚Äúpersonal tragedy‚ÄĚ dissociated from its general context (mere human bodies cut off from their social relations) and some went so far as to criminalize resistance and protest. The government gained some time changing the subject of discussion and conflict and the unions felt released from any obligation to call for a strike the very day when the new measures were passed.

Nonetheless, in such a general climate of fear, disappointment and freeze a few thousands gathered outside the parliament at an evening rally called by the unions and left organisations. Anger was still there, fists were raised, bottles of water and some fire crackers were thrown at the riot cops and slogans both against the parliament and the cops were chanted. An old woman was begging people to chant to ‚Äúmake them [the politicians] leave‚ÄĚ, a guy pissed in a bottle and threw it to the cops, few anti-authoritarians were to be seen and when it got dark and the unions and most organizations left, people, quite ordinary, everyday people with bare hands would not go.

Attacked with ferocity by the riot police, chased away, trampled down Syntagma square steps, panicked but angered young and old people got dispersed in nearby streets. Everything was back in order. However, not only fear was in their eyes; hatred was visible as well. It is certain they will be back.

Now some more general reflections:

1. Cracking down on anarchists and anti-authoritarians has already started and it will get more acute. Criminalizing a whole social-political milieu reaching out to the far left organizations has always been used as a diversion by the state and it will be used even more so now that the murderous attack creates such favourable conditions. However, framing anarchists will not make those hundreds of thousands who demonstrated and even those a lot more who stayed passive but worried forget the IMF and the ‚Äúsalvation package‚ÄĚ offered to them by the government. Harassing our milieu will not pay people‚Äôs bills nor guarantee their future which remains bleak. The government will soon have to incriminate resistance in general and has already started doing so as the incidents on the 6th of May clearly indicated.

2. There will be some modest effort from the state to ‚Äúput the blame‚ÄĚ on certain politicians in order to appease the ‚Äúpopular feeling‚ÄĚ which may well turn into a ‚Äúthirst for blood‚ÄĚ. Some blatant cases of ‚Äúcorruption‚ÄĚ may get punished and some politicians may be sacrificed just to pour oil into troubled waters.

3. There is a constant reference to a ‚Äúconstitutional deviation‚ÄĚ coming both from the LAOS or the CP in a recrimination spectacle, revealing though of the ruling class increasing fears of a deepening political crisis, a deepening of the legitimization crisis. Various scenarios (a businessmen‚Äôs party, a proper junta-like regime) get recycled reflecting deeper fears of a proletarian uprising but in effect are used as a re-orientation of the debt crisis issue from the streets to the central political stage and to the banal question ‚Äúwho will be the solution?‚ÄĚ instead of ‚Äúwhat is the ‚Äėsolution‚Äô?‚ÄĚ

4. Having said all that, it is time to get to the more crucial matters. It is more than clear that the sickening game of turning the dominant fear/guilt for the debt into a fear/guilt for the resistance and the (violent) uprising against the terrorism of debt has already started. If class struggle escalates, the conditions may look more and more like the ones in a proper civil war. The question of violence has already become central. In the same way we assess the state‚Äôs management of violence, we are obliged to assess proletarian violence, too: the movement has to deal with the legitimation of rebellious violence and its content in practical terms. As for the anarchist-antiauthoritarian milieu itself and its dominant insurrectional tendency the tradition of a fetishized, macho glorification of violence has been too long and consistent to remain indifferent now. Violence as an end in itself in all its variations (including armed struggle proper) has been propagated constantly for years now and especially after the December rebellion a certain degree of nihilistic decomposition has become evident (there were some references to it in our text The Rebellious Passage), extending over the milieu itself. In the periphery of this milieu, in its margins, a growing number of very young people has become visible promoting nihilistic limitless violence (dressed up as ‚ÄúDecember‚Äôs nihilism‚ÄĚ) and ‚Äúdestruction‚ÄĚ even if this also includes variable capital (in the form of scabs, ‚Äúpetit-bourgeois elements‚ÄĚ, ‚Äúlaw-abiding citizens‚ÄĚ). Such a degeneration coming out of the rebellion and its limits as well as out of the crisis itself is clearly evident. Certain condemnations of these behaviours and a self-critique to some extent have already started in the milieu (some anarchist groups have even called the perpetrators ‚Äúparastatal thugs‚ÄĚ) and it is quite possible that organized anarchists and anti-authoritarians (groups or squats) will try to isolate both politically and operationally such tendencies. However, the situation is more complicated and it is surpassing the theoretical and practical (self)critical abilities of this milieu. In hindsight, such tragic incidents with all their consequences might have happened in the December rebellion itself: what prevented them was not only chance (a petrol station that did not explode next to buildings set on fire on Sunday the 7th of December, the fact that the most violent riots took place at night with most buildings empty), but also the creation of a (though limited) proletarian public sphere and of communities of struggle which found their way not only through violence but also through their own content, discourse and other means of communication. It was these pre-existing communities (of students, football hooligans, immigrants, anarchists) that turned into communities of struggle by the subjects of the rebellion themselves that gave to violence a meaningful place. Will there be such communities again now that not only a proletarian minority is involved? Will there be a practical way of self-organization in the workplaces, in the neighborhoods or in the streets to determine the form and the content of the struggle and thus place violence in a liberating perspective?

Uneasy questions in pressing times but we will have to find the answers struggling.

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Categories: Greek Fire, In English

Anarchy is struggle for life, not death

In the next few hours, we will be publishing translations of a few statements on Wednesday’s horrific events that have been written by anarchist and anti-authoritarian groups; in the midst of the tragedy, there is some concrete hope that us, the anarchists, are taking the events seriously enough, thinking and discussing them openly, at last. A vital first step. [- A translator for Occupied London]

Anarchy is struggle for life, not death

In December 2008, during the events that followed the assassination of Alexandros Grigoropoulos, the anarchist/ anti-authoritarian movement responded to the fascist pleas of the Mass Media for a return to ‚Äúquiet, order and security‚ÄĚ with the disarming slogan: ‚Äúyou talk about shop fronts, we talk about human lives‚ÄĚ.

What dangerous hypocrisy makes some now talk about the non-existing fire extinguishers of the bank rather than the lives that were lost? What Orwellian twist of reality makes some talk about the tragic event as if it was some short-circuit?

Don‚Äôt we really understand that this hypocrisy is on par with the NATO murderers who spoke of ‚Äúcollateral damage‚ÄĚ?

Don’t we really understand that the granted and obvious cynicism and thuggery of a mega-capitalist, who blackmailed his employees in being in the bank, does not redeem anyone for the dead?

Don’t we really understand that if you use the tactics of the beast you are fighting against, you become one with it?

If anarchists struggle for something, if there is something worth for people to struggle for, this is Life, Freedom and Dignity. For a world where death will no longer hold any authority…

At the demonstration of May 6th in the centre of Thessaloniki, which came as response to the call-out by the union of hospital workers of Thessaloniki and grassroots unions, many people ‚Äď mostly anarchists and anti-authoritarians from the demonstration‚Äôs last block ‚Äď shouted repeatedly: ‚Äúthese were murders, we hold no illusions, the State and Vgenopoulos murder workers‚ÄĚ. Surely for many such thoughts will be soothing. But do they definitely comprehend the content and the extension of what they are wishing for?

We do not know what exactly happened at Marfin bank on the afternoon of 5/5/2010. What we do know is that at the moment when we heard of the tragic news none of our surrounding was in a position to categorically reject that it was what the attorneys of the Corporate Media had declared it to be. And this is tragic too.

Because if through our practice we do not make it evidently impossible (to us, first and foremost) that such an act would come from people active in the same political space with us then we have already paved the way for tragedies to take place (from murderous irresponsibility, warped nastiness or malice).

In a generalised revolt there are uncontrollable dead; it happened in Los Angeles, it happened in Argentina. No-one ever thought of charging an organised political current with these deaths.

The fact that the three murdered workers of Marfin bank are charged to anarchy certainly reveals some huge responsibilities. Who can ignore the tolerance to avant-guardist logics and the contempt for human life? No matter if you say that the experienced anarchists, all these years, have set alight so many banks and no-one ever was endangered. No matter if you say that it is Vgenopoulos’ fault because he forced the employees to stay in the bank, which had no fire protection etc.

You cannot shake off the responsibility.

If there are even some few people who define themselves as anarchists and get to the point of irresponsibility to torch buildings alight with people inside them, this irresponsibility has somehow been cultivated.

If, worse even, you have paved the way for the largest act of agent provocateurs in Greece post-WWII, then the long-term consequences exceed even the tragedy of the three murdered people.

And the answer is not that ‚Äúthe enemy of ruthless‚ÄĚ. We know of both Piazza Fontana in Milan and Scala in Barcelona.

The answer is the emergent, dense opposition which is growing roots across social spaces, across the country ‚Äď with persistence and toilsome labour; with camaraderie, mutuality and solidarity. the answer is the struggle for life, not death.

Panopticon publications/journal, The Foreigners’ Publications, Stasei Ekpiptontes Publications, Exarcheia Publications, Black Peper of the Evian Gulf, Nixtegersia Magazine

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Categories: Greek Fire, In English