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Atlanta Anti-Police March Nov. 21

November 23, 2011 Leave a comment

Tonight, Atlanta’s campaign against the police continues.

An ongoing campaign to stop the police, who have been murdering Atlantans at an increasing rate recently, and who have been repressing Occupy Atlanta demonstrators, had a march today to commemorate the 5th year after the murder of 92 year old Kathryn Johnston. Demonstrators also remembered 19 year old Joetavious Stafford, killed by a MARTA cop on his way home from homecoming just last month, and Dwight Person who was executed by police in the service of a fraudulent no-knock warrant just 5 days ago. Demonstrators also cried the names of Oscar Grant and Sean Bell and reminded each other of the ongoing repression in Oakland, Seattle, Chapel Hill, Boston, New York, Cairo, Greece and around the world. The narrative of this growing campaign has been explicityl anti-police, as a mechanism of control. Calls to fight “police brutality” have been marginal as well as calls for “justice” or “accountability” – the marchers and literature have focused almost exclusively on the police as an apparatus and on how much “fuck” them all.

By 8:30, the park was filled with almost 100 people who had shown up for the march. Roughly half of them had shown up en bloc – black hoods, pants, gloves, flags and goggles were seen en masse. Additionally, street kids with red and blue bandanas were out showing colors and ready to throw down (hostility between street gangs has been, for a few, suspended in favor of fighting the police and growing Occupy Atlanta). With over half of the soon-to-be-marchers masked, a group of anarchists began passing out stacks of anti-cop fliers (which totaled 2,000) and insisted that people distribute them however they see fit during the march, whether by tossing them or passing them to bystanders. A large banner was unfurled reading “Cops, Pigs = Murderers” an a bass drum inscribed with a red Circle-A on its side began picking up a beat. Many of these faces were new and many of them were obscured by goggles, tied shirts, bandanas, and ski masks.

At one point, someone called for the demonstrators to meet by “the big tree” to discuss the route of the march. Immediately following the call to meet-up, I overheard a kid wearing a red bandana yell “Man, fuck!” to his other friend in red. I asked him what the problem was and he looked at me and said, “These people always out here talking ‘solidarity-this’, ‘solidarity-that’ but as soon as a cop kills someone all I see are these black masks, red masks, and blue masks.” I told him I knew what he meant but that at least he now knew who was down. He agreed.

After a few brief reminders about the details of the murder, which amplified the palpable anger of the march, a man asked if the march was going to remain “non-violent”, to which nobody responded at all. This man would later be seen run up to cops with both fingers in the air screaming “fuck the police.” I guess everything changes rapidly in the streets.

Marchers began chanting “Our passion for freedom is stronger than their prisons” and made their way to the police station located immediately across the street from the park – we were gonna take the fight right up to their shit. The march spilled across the street and up to the glass doors and windows of the station and demonstrators began chanting into the station at the police officers inside who stood confused and surprised. As fliers rained down on the crowd, the march wound its up up to Peachtree Street, going toward the Five Points MARTA station. Chanting “Cops,Pigs, Murderers” and “No Justice, no peace/fuck the police” the march entered the station. Our voices reverberated off of the walls all around the terminal which quickly filled with police. In response, the demonstrators turned their backs to the police with their hands up chanting “Shot in the back/there’s no excuse for that” and “Hey hey/ho ho/ what did you do to Joe?”.

“Shot in the back/There’s No Excuse for That!”

At this point, fliers were blowing everywhere and several citizen-cops began picking them up off of the ground feverishly. When one kid donning a red bandana asked a peace police officer named Daniel, in a truly inquisitive tone, why he was doing that, he responded that the kid needed to “shut the fuck up, you pussy-bitch.” Quite violent rhetoric coming from one of the neo-Gandhians. Coupled with the violence of actively censoring the political outreach of demonstrators, I would say this kid and those who share his intense hatred of freedom are pushing the limits of absurdity.

Rather then wait around for the police, the march wound its way back into the street headed toward Mitchell. At this point, protesters who had at previous demonstrations always remained on the sidewalks spilled into the street. Citizen-cops who had urged us to stop using “violent” language against the police just a few weeks ago began leading chants such as “Fuck the pigs, we don’t need ’em all we want is total freedom”. Something really is happening in this city.

Turning left onto a one-way, the marchers headed toward the Pryor Street police station. Upon arrival, there was a “mic-check”. While blocking traffic, a demonstrator reminded everyone of the magnitude of the struggle and encouraged us to, again, remember Kathryn Johnston, Joetavious Stafford, Dwight Person, and Troy Davis who was unjustly murdered by the state recently for allegedly killing a cop in 1989.

As a few chanted “Atlanta – Oakland – Egypt – France: Fuck the pigs and fucking dance” the march continued to make its rowdy way up the street back toward the park.

Upon arrival to the park, the march decided that it would march up Peacthree Street toward the business district – the “neighborhood of the 1% in this city” as one demonstrator phrased it. Although in retrospect, maybe the march should’ve ended here, at the time it seemed like a good idea: spirits were high and the march was still ready to roll out.

After several blocks of blocking traffic in all lanes going both ways, and a few minutes of rowdiness in a Suntrust Plaza, the march continued up Baker street and made the first right onto another one-way. After a few blocks in this direction, it was brought to the attention of the march by friends driving around the block that riot police and busses had stationed themselves at Courtland and Auburn, just a few blocks away from our current location and right where we were headed. Following a brief and impromptu assembly, the marchers decided that, rather than face-off with the boys in blue, tonight they would call the march a victory and seize full control over the terms of engagement. With a few welps of joy and advice on how to disperse the march into small groups of friends walking in multiple directions, the march ended on a high note.

No arrests, no injury and an overwhelming presence of masked protesters who maintained the anti-police discourse over the liberal “police brutality” narrative. The masked protesters also maintained an open and impromptu public discourse over the trajectory the march should take, encouraging those who dissented with the majority to go through with their plans anyway autonomously – the element of social management was broken down completely during the march except for the few citizen-police picking up leaflets at the beginning off of the ground.

The march, which was roughly an hour and a half, was larger then any of the other marches that have happened in the last 2 weeks and more broadly participated in. Several people, at different points, even ran off of the sidewalks to enthusiastically join the march.

Afterword, many radicals, including mostly anarchists but also several Marxists, gathered at a local house to celebrate the event (a ritual we agreed to continue going forward) and the birthday of one of the participants. Gathering around a fire (start off tee-pee, transition to log cabin to allow the flames to breath), many discussed their feelings about the march and their surprise at the overwhelming force that we have become at these marches. We also revelled about anti-nazi street battles that we’ve heard about in other places (particularly in Trenton and Phoenix) and discussed prison revolts and the general state of prisons in Georgia (the jails are run by the guards, the prisons by the prisoners).

The struggle goes on.

Solidarity with our comrades in Chapel Hill who also marched tonight against the police.

The text of the leaflet distributed (2,000 were thrown into the air and passed out to bystanders):

Background:

Fuck

The

Police

Foreground:

Atlanta’s Cop Problem

Kathryn Johnston – November 21, 2006

Police murder 92 year old Kathryn Johnston – undercover cops raid the house with a “no-knock” warrant and shoot 39 times.

Atlanta Eagle Bar – September 10, 2009

SWAT raids gay bar with no probably cause – with guns drawn, officers make homophobic/transphobic slurs to club patrons and illegaly detain eveyrone in the club for an excessive period of time.

Brian Kidd and Shawn Venegas – January 2011

Police pull over two men in broad daylight and perform illegal cavity searches by the side of the road and sexually molest the men by groping their genitalia.

Roxanne Taylor – May 27, 2011

58 year old woman shot and killed by APD after allegedly stealing from a drug store.

Minors Molested by APD – September, 2011

Several minors sue City of Atlanta for being illegally strip searched in public and suffering groping and molestation by APD – som claims of anal penetrations with police batons.

Joetavious Stafford – October 15, 2011

19 year old shot by the MARTA police 3 times – twice in the back as he lay face down – as he comes home from a homecoming football game. Initial reports that he was armed are denied by eyewitnesses.

Dwight Person – November 17, 2011

54 year old veteran, and father of 2, is shot to death in his East Point home by APD.

The police, protectors of this social order, security guards of the 1% who control us, are everywhere. Their control, their violence, is everywhere that nothing happens. All adventure, managed;all desire; disarmed: all passion, sated; all fires, extinguished — but in us is a fire that never goes out.

There can be no dialogue with the terrorists in blue. As they run over our comrades with motorcylces, abduct our friends from the city sidewalks and quarantine our loved-ones inside their prison walls, they fan the flames of our discontent.

In Seattle, Chapel Hill, Greece, Chile, Bahrain, Egypt, Oakland, Denver, Moscow the struggle against the police grows. Inside Pelican Bay, the memory of Attica lives.

Fire to the prisons and the society that created them. (A)

Several hundred other leaflets where distributed as well:

The back: OCCUPY EVERYTHING! DON’T FUCK WITH ATLANTA

The front:

Occupy Everything! (Really)

In a crisis, it does not make sense anymore to beg. Though it is certainly no longer possible, many of us do not year to “go back” to the golden-age of our grandparents generation – a Keynesian control that resulted in the complete flattening out of any adventure, on the one hand, and the real subsumption of product into an every-expanding, ecologically perilous, global factory on the other. The age of austerity, which we face today, is a necessary result of the so-called “responsible capitalism” of the last few decades.

Although we are active in the current “Occupy Together” movement, many of us are distressed by the presence of those for whom the seizure of public parks and plazas represents a forum in which to “voice grievances” to Power – as if anyone was listening anyway.

The point of an occupation is not to “send a message” to Power, nor is it to demand to Power this-or-that resotration of normalcy. The occupation is a commoning, if you will, of resources and tools. The occupation must expand to all other spheres of social life as a necessary consequence of what it is: we must take over more shit so we can share it!; communization of this sort does not need to wait for the proper structures or the “right time” just as we do not need to go to culinary school before planning pot-luck dinners with our friends and neighbors. It is this sense of urgency that brought us into the parks int he first place – when so many in the established “activist” milieu remained skeptical, we came together to act outside of the political script to create something that was frankly unimaginable in scope just a few months ago.

The precedent has been set, and eveyrone already feels it on the tip of their tongues anyway:

To move forward, we have to start taking over buildings.

In Oakland, as well as in Chapel Hill, the landscape of struggle is being questioned altogether – that is to say, the struggle over landscape is being addressed for the first time in a meaningful way: how are we supposed to defend a park from police violence? how are we supposed to stay warm in the winter?

The answer is obvious to many of us.

This question, the question of weathering abuse as well as the question of expansion, is not a new one. Many of us occupiers have spent the last several weeks buildings relationships with houseless people – ask them how they live through the winter. more than likely, there are vacant buildings all over your city and most, if not all, of them can be used in new and exciting ways. Or perhaps the city is littered with buildings begging for a new content – universities come to mind as does city hall.

“Stop taking orders – Start taking over.”

Our comrades in Europe have been taking over buildings for decades now. Abandoned buildings everywhere have been transformed in “social centers” that serve as matrices of struggle and activity in the face of global capitalism which would render the buildings lifeless. Perhaps the “Occupy Together” movement can learn some lessons from the autonomous movements of decades past in the European context and expand on it for the American landscape.

-some scheming anarchists.

Reproduced from libcom.

Relaxed looting of a supermarket

How is it to be done? ūüėÄ

Categories: Greek Fire

√Āllami elnyom√°s

K√∂zvetlen a 2008 decemberi felkel√©s ut√°n az √°llam megk√≠s√©relte helyrehozni sebzett preszt√≠zs√©t √©s helyre√°ll√≠tani a hullaszag√ļ t√°rsadalmi b√©k√©t, mivel f√©lŇĎ, hogy v√°ls√°g √°rny√©k√°ban √ļj l√°zad√°s √©s t√°rsadalmi nyugtalans√°g t√∂rhet ki. Mivel a t√°rsadalmi “romlotts√°g” egyik b√ļv√≥hely√©nek tartj√°k Exarchi√°t, ez√©rt csaptak le r√° √©s vezett√©k be a h√°bor√ļt id√©zŇĎ rendŇĎri megsz√°ll√°st. K√∂zben az √°llam √ļgy tŇĪnik, hogy tov√°bbfejlesztette a jogi fegyvereit is, hogy k√∂nnyebben ellenŇĎrz√©se alatt tudja tartani a t√°rsadalmi szf√©r√°t: p√©ld√°ul h√°zkutat√°sokat rendeltek el – a fŇĎ√ľgy√©sz Sanidas seg√≠ts√©g√©vel – a b√ļv√≥helyeken √©s squatokban, vagy √©letbel√©ptett√©k a koukoulonomos-t (kapucni visel√©s elleni t√∂rv√©ny) a t√ľntet√©seken. Ezzel p√°rhuzamosan megkezdt√©k az egyetemi mened√©kjogot felsz√°molni: Propylaea-t a rendŇĎrs√©g lez√°rta 2009. december√©ben, √©s t√∂bbsz√∂r is behatolt ath√©ni √©s tesszalonikii egyetemi kampuszokra.

A k√∂zrend helyre√°ll√≠t√°sa miatt az √°llam n√∂velte a rendŇĎr√∂k l√©tsz√°m√°t √©s √ļj, motoros egys√©geket hozott l√©tre, “Delta” √©s a “Dias” n√©ven. Komolyan erŇĎs√∂d√∂tt a rendŇĎri jelenl√©t minden v√°rosr√©szben. Hogy Ath√©n belv√°ros√°b√≥l kiterjessz√©k a rendŇĎr√°llam mŇĪveleteit m√°s ter√ľletekre is, 2010 m√°rcius√°ban Ath√©n √©s Tesszaloniki utc√°in 2000 motoros rendŇĎri egys√©g cirk√°lt a v√°ros k√ľlsŇĎ negyedeiben. A korm√°ny k√©ts√©gbeesetten pr√≥b√°lja az egyetlen lehets√©ges k√©pet k√∂zvet√≠teni mag√°r√≥l a t√°rsadalom fel√©, az √°llampolg√°rok √°ll√≠t√≥lagos biztons√°g√°nak szavatol√°s√°t. Ez√©rt azt√°n motoros zsaruk naponta cirk√°lnak tov√°bbra is a v√°rosokban, ami hozz√°vetŇĎleg f√©l milli√≥ eur√≥ba ker√ľl.

Ezeket az int√©zked√©sek alkotj√°k a zer√≥-tolerancia elv√©nek h√°tter√©t, ami a demokr√°cia h√°tt√©ralkuinak csendj√©t megt√∂rŇĎ tiltakoz√°sokat s√ļjta: a rendŇĎri erŇĎk megelŇĎzŇĎ l√©p√©sei, hogy a tiltakoz√≥kat beviszik, megrohamozz√°k a szabad t√°rsadalmi tereket (Resalto, Giannena), √©s erŇĎvel (letart√≥ztat√°sokkal, ver√©sekkel √©s vegyi fegyverekkel) vernek le minden demonstr√°ci√≥t, amelyek fokozatosan egyre harciasabbakk√° v√°lnak. Ezekre j√≥ p√©lda a nikaia-i √©s a byronas-i kivonul√°s, ahol az √°llam b√©rgyilkosai ellen tiltakoztak, akik meg√∂lt√©k Mohammed Kamran Atifot (miut√°n megk√≠nozt√°k a rendŇĎrs√©gen) √©s Nikola Todit (akit az utc√°n lŇĎtt√©k le a zsaruk egy tŇĪzp√°rbajban).

Ezt a kegyetlen politikai elnyom√°st erŇĎs√≠ti a m√©dia √©s m√°s k√∂zvet√≠tŇĎ szervezetek, mint a politikai p√°rtok √©s a szakszervezetek; ezek hivatottak alak√≠tani a k√∂zhangulatot, illetve ideol√≥giai s√≠kon int√©ztek t√°mad√°sokat a tiltakoz√≥k ellen. Erre tipikus p√©lda az anarchista mozgalom kriminaliz√°l√°sa fejp√©nzek hirdet√©s√©vel √©s koholt v√°dak terjeszt√©s√©vel, melyek szerint a mozgalom “bŇĪn√∂zŇĎkkel”, fegyveres csoportokkal mŇĪk√∂dik egy√ľtt.

Mindezekhez hozz√°j√∂n m√©g az, hogy G√∂r√∂gorsz√°g √©s T√∂r√∂korsz√°g k√∂z√∂tt k√ľl√∂n√∂sen j√≥ egy√ľttmŇĪk√∂d√©s alakult ki az elnyom√°s ter√©n. Legut√≥bb a v√©delmi szoftvereket friss√≠tik, hogy √∂sszekapcsolhass√°k a Frontex rendszereivel, amiket a f√∂ldi, tengeri √©s l√©gi hat√°rellenŇĎrz√©sre haszn√°lnak. A korm√°nyhivatalok a t√∂r√∂k kolleg√°ik rep√ľlŇĎj√°ratait haszn√°lj√°k fel arra, hogy azt√°n a l√©gt√©r megs√©rt√©serŇĎl besz√©lhessenek, mivel a m√ļltban sokszor hasznosnak bizonyult “k√ľlsŇĎ ellens√©g” k√©pe a belsŇĎ kr√≠zisek kezel√©s√©re, mint pl. a jelenlegi gazdas√°gi v√°ls√°g. Nem v√©letlen, hogy a k√ľlsŇĎ ellens√©g k√©pe √©ppen akkor jelenik meg, amikor a helyi uralkod√≥oszt√°ly nem √©rzi mag√°t biztons√°gban.

forr√°s: contrainfo

State Repression

Immediately after the uprising of December 2008, the state attempted to restore its wounded prestige and re-establish a funereal social peace, fearing riots and unrests that could erupt in anticipation of the economic recession. It targeted Exarchia, mainly as a place of social iniquity, and imposed a military-style police occupation. In the meantime, the state sought to strengthen its legal arsenal in order to better control the social sphere, either by ordering ‚Äď through prosecutor Sanidas ‚Äď searches in hangouts and squats, or by applying the koukoulonomos (hood-wearing-law) in demonstrations. At the same time, a sustained effort to remove the university asylum status began, with the police guarding the Propylaea in December ‚Äė09, continuously violating it in the Thessaloniki and Athens campuses.

The state sought to reorganize public order, increasing the number of cops and creating new units, such as the mechanized units ‚ÄúDelta‚ÄĚ and ‚ÄúDias‚ÄĚ. Meanwhile there was a considerable increase of police presence around all neighborhoods. In March 2010, in the streets of Athens and Thessaloniki, there was a flux of 2000 motorcycles of the newly created bike unit ‚ÄúDias‚ÄĚ, in an attempt to shift the police-state existing in the center of Athens throughout all neighborhoods. The government is trying to project the only image they can offer to society, that of the alleged safety of citizens. Thus, the cops-bikers will ride daily their motorcycles, which cost around half a million euros.

All these actions set up the background of the doctrine of zero tolerance, which applies to all social protests attempting to break the silent consensus to democracy: a police force acting preventively, bringing in protesters, invading free social spaces, (Resalto, Giannena), forcefully suppressing demonstrations that become progressively more militant (with arrests, beatings and chemical weapons). Indicative are the marches in Nikaia and Byronas protesting the state murders of Mohammed Kamran Atif (after torture in a PD) and Nikola Todi (on the street during a cops’ shootout).

This harsh political repression is strengthened by the media and other mechanisms of mediation, such as political parties and trade unions, which assume the role of changing the perception on facts and execute ideological attacks on protesters. A typical example is the attempt of criminalization of the anarchist movement through offering bounties, imaginary scenarios on its relationship with ‚Äúcriminal offenders‚ÄĚ, armed groups etc.

Simultaneously, a very good level of cooperation between Greece and Turkey in the area of repression has been fostered. Lately, an upgrade to the software of the weapons systems is taking place, in order to link with those of Frontex deployed along the borders, in the air as well as in others. Meanwhile, the government agencies are using the flights of aircrafts of their colleagues, presenting them as ‚Äúviolations‚ÄĚ, as it has been found in the past an effective means to use the ‚Äúexternal enemy‚ÄĚ to deal with internal crises, such as the current financial plight. It is no coincidence that the threat is always appearing when the local rulers feel uneasy in their position.

source: contrainfo

2008. December Insurrection Greece

Categories: Greek Fire

A bangladeshi sztr√°jkhull√°m tov√°bb hull√°mzik: kŇĎ, pap√≠r, ruh√°zat

SOC: Annak ellen√©re, hogy ez a cikk t√ļl sokat foglalkozik a korrupci√≥val √©s ez√©rt id√©z gyakran polg√°ri lapokat, egy j√≥ alapanyag, ami egyr√©szrŇĎl h√≠rt ad a Bangladeshben zajl√≥ sztr√°jkhull√°mr√≥l, m√°sr√©szt j√≥l mutatja, hogy hogyan is mŇĪk√∂dik az a bizonyos rettegett eredeti felhalmoz√°s a gyakorlatban.

A munk√°sok zavarg√°sai[1] tov√°bb folytat√≥dnak a legk√ľl√∂nb√∂zŇĎbb ipari szektorokban, t√∂bbek k√∂z√∂tt a kŇĎb√°ny√°szatban √©s a ruhaiparban.

A ruhaipar

A konfekci√≥ ruha szektorban a vadsztr√°jkok, a l√°zad√°sok, az √ļttorlaszok √©s a gy√°rak elleni t√°mad√°sok egyre szaporodnak…

A bangladesh sz√≠v√©ben tal√°lhat√≥ Narayanganj megyei Kanchpur √∂vezet – kedd, m√°jus 25.; heves √∂sszecsap√°sok zajlottak a rendŇĎrs√©g √©s a ruhaipari munk√°sok k√∂z√∂tt; d√©lut√°n 5 √≥ra 15 perckor a munk√°sok elhagyt√°k az √ľzemeket √©s t√ľntetni kezdtek, eltorlaszolva a Dhaka-Sylhet √©s a Dhaka-Chittagong aut√≥p√°ly√°kat. Egy rendŇĎr-telefonf√ľlk√©t felgy√ļjtottak, √©s sz√°mos aut√≥t megrong√°ltak. Amikor a rendŇĎrs√©g meg√©rkezett, a munk√°sok t√©gl√°kat sz√≥rtak r√°juk – a zsaruk gumibotokkal √©s puskal√∂v√©sekkel v√°laszoltak, hogy az ellenŇĎrz√©s√ľk al√° vonj√°k a helyzetet. 50 ember s√©r√ľlt meg, k√∂zt√ľk tizen rendŇĎr√∂k.

Ami miatt ez m√©gis t√∂bb, mint egy egyszerŇĪ munkabesz√ľntet√©s a b√©rek √©s a munkak√∂r√ľlm√©nyek miatt – ami k√©thetenk√©t rendszeresen megt√∂rt√©nik a ruhaiparban -, az a munk√°sok k√∂vetel√©sei. A jelent√©sek szerint a k√∂vetel√©seik ezek voltak: “Kanchpurban ipari k√∂rzet√©ben √©s a hozz√°tartoz√≥ lak√≥√∂vezetben az alb√©rletek d√≠jainak cs√∂kkent√©se, a g√°z √©s v√≠zell√°t√°s biztos√≠t√°sa.” Felismert√©k, hogy a n√©vleges munkab√©r csak egyetlen v√°ltoz√≥ a kizs√°km√°nyol√°s egyenlet√©ben. Ezek a k√∂vetel√©sek arra utalnak, hogy a munk√°sok kezdik felhaszn√°lni a termelŇĎi poz√≠ci√≥jukat a munkahely√ľk√∂n, hogy kifejezz√©k az oszt√°lyuk eg√©sz√©nek sz√©lesebb k√∂vetel√©seit √©s prolet√°rokk√©nt sz√°lljanak szembe a totalit√°ssal. Ezt h√≠vj√°k “oszt√°lytudatnak” a gyakorlatban.

8 * 8 * 8

KŇĎb√°ny√°szat

Dinajpur, √©szak-nyugat Bangladesh, Rangpur le√°nyv√°llalt – szerda, m√°jus 26.; a Maddhapara Gr√°nitb√°ny√°szati T√°rsas√°g Ltd. (MGMCL) munk√°sai lef√ļjt√°k a n√©gy napja tart√≥ sztr√°jkjukat. A 292 sztr√°jkol√≥ megegyezett, hogy visszat√©rnek a munk√°ba, miut√°n a szakszervezet√ľk a t√°rgyal√°sok sor√°n el√©rte az ig√©retet a munk√°sok k√∂vetel√©seinek teljes√≠t√©s√©re a k√∂vetkezŇĎ √©vben – az eseti szerzŇĎd√©sek helyett √°lland√≥ szerzŇĎd√©s, √©s az elmaradt b√©rek kifizet√©se.

A sztr√°jk vas√°rnap reggel kezdŇĎd√∂tt. M√°snap a munk√°sok lez√°rtak 100 menedzsment tagot (k√∂zt√ľk az √ľgyvezetŇĎ igazgat√≥t) a lak√≥komplexumban, √©s elz√°rt√°k tŇĎl√ľk a v√≠zet √©s elektromoss√°got. P√°r tiszts√©gviselŇĎt elengedtek, hogy r√©sztvehessenek szakszervezettel val√≥ t√°rgyal√°sokon kedden √©jjel, ami v√©g√ľl a megegyez√©shez vezetett.

8 * 8 * 8

“Vagy a korrupci√≥ visszaszor√≠t√°s√°t kell megoldani, vagy t√∂bb lehetŇĎs√©get kell teremteni a r√©szv√©telre.” (Ashleigh Brilliant)

A Madhapara b√°ny√°ban minden megtal√°lhat√≥, ami korrupt √©s hat√©konytalan a bangladeshi gazdas√°gban – t√ľnetek, amelyek a gazdas√°gi terjeszked√©st akad√°lyozz√°k. Egy √©szak-koreai c√©g √©p√≠tette √©s nyitotta meg 2008-ban, napi t√∂bb ezer tonna j√≥ minŇĎs√©gŇĪ gr√°nit kitermel√©s√©nek kapacit√°s√°val. A korm√°ny tervei szerint egyr√©szt eladn√°k, m√°sr√©szt az infrastrukt√ļr√°lis korm√°nyfejleszt√©sekhez haszn√°ln√°k fel a kitermelt k√∂vet az olyan √°llami c√©gek, mint a Utak √©s Aut√≥p√°ly√°k, a Bangladesh V√≠zh√°l√≥zat Fejleszt√©si Igazgat√≥s√°g, vagy a Bangladeshi Vas√ļt T√°rsas√°g.

Bangladesh r√©g√≥ta f√ľgg az indiai gr√°nit-importt√≥l √©s az √ļj b√°nya lefelezhetn√© a behozatali kŇĎ √°rakat. A sz√°m√≠t√°sok szerint a b√°nya

… √©vente 1.65 milli√≥ tonna kem√©ny k√∂vet termelhetne, √≠gy 360 milli√≥ amerikai doll√°rt behozatalt takar√≠thatna meg. Ezen fel√ľl a project kiterjeszt√©s√©vel egy √ļj √ľzemet l√©trehozva gr√°nit lapok v√°g√°s√°ra √©s termel√©s√©re ki lehetne egyszerre el√©g√≠teni a helyi keresletet √©s √ļj t√°vlati lehetŇĎs√©get lehetne megnyitni Bangladesh elŇĎtt a kiugr√≥an magas bev√©telŇĪ export kereskedelemmel. (http://www.globalpolitician.com/24884-bangladesh)

De nem voltak el√©gedettek ezzel a a hat√°r egyik oldal√°n sem helyi import/export kŇĎzetkereskedŇĎk, √©s hivatalnokokat p√©nzeltek le, hogy hagyj√°k figyelmen k√≠v√ľl korm√°ny rendeleteit az olcs√≥bb, helyi forr√°s√ļ kŇĎ felhaszn√°l√°s√°ra.

“A k√∂zint√©zm√©nyek √©s mag√°nszervezetek szerzŇĎd√∂tt besz√°ll√≠t√≥i a munk√°lataikhoz, √ļgymint t√∂lt√©sek v√©delm√©nek megold√°s√°hoz, a kŇĎ-behozatalon f√ľggnek, hogy megker√ľlj√©k az ad√≥k kifizet√©s√©t, vagy hogy alacsony minŇĎs√©gŇĪ k√∂veket haszn√°ljanak fel.” – mondta egy Petrobangl√°n√°l dolgoz√≥ forr√°s. (ibid.)

Ezeket a c√©geket ebben t√°mogatja Bangladesh legnagyobb m√©diabirodalma, a “Star Group” (aminek a Transcom kereskedelmi konzorcium a tulajdonosa). A vezetŇĎ angolnyelvŇĪ lap, a Daily Starnak, √©s k√ľl√∂nb√∂zŇĎ Bengali lapok tulajdonosai √©s a r√°di√≥√°llom√°s alap√≠t√≥tulajdonosa, Latifur Rahman felhaszn√°lta a Transcom sajt√≥-√°gazat√°t arra, hogy a saj√°t √ľzleti √©rdekelts√©geit hirdesse, a Transcom ipari szektor√°t, √©s lej√°rassa a gazdas√°gi ellenfeleit. A Maddhapara b√°nya √©p√≠t√©s√©nek kezdeteitŇĎl fogva c√©lt√°bl√°ja a Transcom r√°galmainak.

Rahman a karrierj√©t a juta-feldolgoz√≥ iparban kezdte, ami valaha az orsz√°g vezetŇĎ ipar√°ga volt. Ahogy a juta-szektor hanyatlani kezdett 90-es √©vekben, Rahman bez√°rta az √ľzemeit, √©s elmenek√ľlt az elmaradt b√©rek kifizet√©se elŇĎl. Emellett a K√∂zponti Bankn√°l is a hossz√ļlefut√°si hiteleit kifizetetlen√ľl hagyta.

De nemsok√°ra Rahman visszat√©rt az √ľzlethez, miut√°n doll√°rmilli√≥kat szerzett finansz√≠roz√°sk√©ppen a feles√©ge unokatestv√©r√©tŇĎl, az √ľzeletember √©s az ULFA (Asom Egyes√ľlt Felszabad√≠t√≥ Frontja – assami szeparatista csoport, amelyik t√∂bb √©szak-keleti indiai tag√°llam felszabad√≠t√°s√°t k√∂veteli) vezetŇĎj√©tŇĎl, Anup Cheti√°t√≥l. A Nestle tejterm√©keinek forgalmaz√°si franchise-√°t megszerezve Rahman gyorsan ki√©p√≠tette a Transcomot, kiterjesztve az √ľzleti √©rdekelts√©geit m√°s ipari szektorokba is, megszerezve a Pepsi, Phillips √©s m√°s nagyobb helyi ipari v√°llalatok tulajdonjog√°t a terjeszked√©s sor√°n. A sz√≥besz√©dek szerint a csemp√©szet is fŇĎ helyet foglal el a tev√©kenys√©gei k√∂z√∂tt.

Az is a v√°dak k√∂z√∂tt szerepel, hogy Rahman √°llami infrastrukt√ļr√°lis projectekhez sz√°ll√≠tott olcs√≥ alapanyagokat, √©s √≠gy jutott k√©tes m√≥don megszerzett profithoz.

“Mindenki hallotta a h√≠reket a Bangladeshben tal√°lhat√≥ jamunai t√∂bbc√©l√ļ h√≠d m√°l√°s√°r√≥l. De val√≥sz√≠nŇĪleg senki nincs tiszt√°ban azzal a t√©nnyel, hogy az ilyen m√°l√°snak az oka egy bizonyos tipus√ļ cement, amit a Portland Grey Cement nev√©ben k√©sz√≠tenek perny√©bŇĎl √©s rendk√≠v√ľl alacsony minŇĎs√©gŇĪ cement kever√©k√©bŇĎl. √Čs ezt a pocs√©k minŇĎs√©gŇĪ cementet haszn√°lt√°k fel Bangladeshben a nagy k√∂lts√©gvet√©sŇĪ munk√°latokhoz, mivel: a c√©gnek az eln√∂ke, amely ezt a cementet elŇĎ√°ll√≠tja √©s forgalmazza, nem m√°s, mint a Transcom Latifur Rahmanja.” (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/64216)%5B2%5D

Nem egy vesz√©lyes hiba, √©s √©p√ľlet√∂sszeoml√°s t√∂rt√©nt az orsz√°gban – a minden szinten mŇĪk√∂dŇĎ korrupci√≥ miatt a minŇĎs√©get, √©s a biztons√°got gyorsan fel√°ldozt√°k.

“A hiteles politikus az, akit ha egyszer megvesznek, akkor kitart√≥an hŇĪs√©ges marad.” (Simon Cameron)

Mi√≥ta az √ļj b√°nya nyit√°sa 2005. √≥ta egyre k√∂zelebb ker√ľlt, a Daily Star olyan cikkeket k√∂z√∂lt, amelyekben azt √°ll√≠tott√°k, meghamis√≠tva a t√©nyeket, hogy a b√°ny√°ban termelt gr√°nit t√∂bbe ker√ľlne, mint az import√°lt kever√©k. Hogy az √ľzleti √©rdekeit v√©dje, cikkek t√∂meg√©t rendelte meg a b√°nya gazdas√°goss√°g√°nak lej√°rat√°s√°ra.

“Kider√ľlt, hogy a kapcsol√≥d√≥ √©rdekelts√©gek, bele√©rtve a kŇĎ-, z√ļzal√©k importŇĎr√∂ket Indi√°b√≥l, Myanmarb√≥l √©s Mal√°jzi√°b√≥l, t√°mogatj√°k ezt a sajt√≥-terrort, amit a Daily Star folytat. Ezzel pr√≥b√°lj√°k szabot√°lni az orsz√°g legelŇĎremutat√≥bb munk√°lat√°t, ami nem csak eddig sp√≥rolt meg doll√°rmilli√≥kat az orsz√°gnak, de elŇĎrevet√≠t tov√°bbi doll√°rmilli√≥s bev√©teleket is a vil√°gpiaci minŇĎs√©gŇĪ gr√°nitlapok exportj√°b√≥l.” (ugyanott)

Az egyik legdurv√°bb f√©lrevezet√©si k√≠s√©rlet√ľk a Star egyik 2008.-as c√≠mlapj√°n jelent meg. A b√°nya √©szak-koreai √©p√≠tkez√©si v√°llalkoz√≥ira, a Nam-namra reag√°l√°sk√©nt a Star t√∂k√©letes t√°j√©kozatlans√°gr√≥l tett tan√ļbizonys√°got a geopolitika ter√©n:

Azt √≠rja ebben a riportban a Daily Star, hogy “A Nam-nam 65 d√©l-koreaival √ľzemelteti a b√°ny√°t egy √©ves szerzŇĎd√©ssel, amely m√°jus 27.-√©n j√°r le. Mivel a c√©g nem hozta √°t teljes eg√©sz√©ben a d√©l-koreai technol√≥gi√°t a MGMCL-tŇĎl, ez√©rt m√©g egy √©ves √ľzemeltet√©si szerzŇĎd√©st kaphat, forr√°saink szerint.”

“[…] … a riporternek fogalma sincsen a projectrŇĎl, kiz√°r√≥lag az √©rintett √©rdekelts√©gek √°ltal dikt√°lt sorokat √≠rta le. Az egyik helyen a riporter kifejti, hogy a Nam-nam egy √©szak-koreai v√°llalat, majd m√°sutt, ugyanebben a h√≠rben felfedezni v√©li, hogy 65 d√©l-koreait alkalmaznak a munk√°latokra (tal√°n nincs meg az minimum t√°j√©kozotts√°ga, hogy √Čszak- √©s D√©l-Kore√°nak nincsen diplom√°ciai kapcsolat?)” (ugyanott)

Nincs benne semmi meglepŇĎ, hogy Bangladesh rendelkezik az egyik leggyeng√©bb infrastrukt√ļr√°val a vil√°gon, aminek k√°ros hat√°sai √©rz√©kelhetŇĎek az eg√©szs√©g√ľgyben, a v√°rhat√≥ √©lettartamban, a k√∂zleked√©sben, kereskedelemben, stb.. Egy igazi kapitalista think-tank √≠gy √≠rja le a tŇĎkefelhalmoz√°s probl√©m√°j√°t:

Bangladesh egyike a vil√°g legszeg√©nyebb orsz√°gainak, √©s k√ľzd, hogy a k√ľlf√∂ldi befektetŇĎket mag√°hoz vonzza egy olyan gazdas√°gi l√©gk√∂rben, amit velej√©ig √°that a korrupci√≥, a neh√©zkes regul√°ci√≥, √©s a t√∂rv√©ny inkonzisztens √©s √°tpolitiz√°lt √©rv√©nyes√≠t√©se. Az orsz√°g a megb√≠zhat√≥s√°gi, √°tl√°that√≥s√°gi √©s korrupi√≥s indexek alj√°n vagy annak k√∂zel√©ben van √©vek √≥ta. B√°tor√≠t√≥ azonban, hogy az orsz√°g 2007-2008-as vezet√©se a hadsereggel a h√°ta m√∂g√∂tt olyan programot ind√≠tott, ami kiterjett int√©zm√©nyi reformokat foganatos√≠tott, √©s p√©ld√°tlan tettk√©nt aggressz√≠v l√©p√©seket tett a korrupci√≥ magasabb szintjeinek felsz√°mol√°s√°ra, amely sz√°mos korrupt √ľzletember, politikus √©s magasrang√ļ katonatiszt letart√≥ztat√°s√°t √©s el√≠t√©l√©s√©t jelentette. Mindennek ellen√©re a korrupci√≥ egyre kiterjedtebb a hivatali szervezetek minden szintj√©n. A v√°llalatok a nem megfelelŇĎ infrastrukt√ļr√°t jel√∂lik meg Bangladesh befektet√©si fŇĎ probl√©m√°j√°nak, a korrupci√≥val √©s terhes b√ľkokr√°cia mellett. A legt√∂bb t√°rsas√°gnak sz√°m√≠tania kell r√°, hogy le kell fizetnie a k√∂ztisztviselŇĎket, hogy fenntarthass√°k az √ľzleteiket, mik√∂zben csup√°n n√©gybŇĎl egy c√©g tal√°lja igazs√°gosnak, p√°rtatlannak √©s tiszt√°nak a b√≠r√≥s√°gi gyakorlatot. (Business Anti-Corruption Portal – http://www.business-anti-corruption.com/country-profiles/south-asia/bangladesh)

“Egyes magyar√°zatai a bŇĪncselekm√©nyeknek nem igaz√°n magyar√°zatok: r√©sz√ľk van a mag√°ban a bŇĪncselekm√©nyben.” (Olavo de Cavarlho)

Az korrupci√≥ellenes eleme a 2007-2008-as katonai t√°mogat√°ssal rendelkezŇĎ “rendrak√≥” korm√°nynak – micsoda meglepet√©s! – maga is korrupt volt. A Transcom hatalmi h√°l√≥zat√°nak szeml√©ltet√©s√©re:

“A Daily Star csoportnak siker√ľlt az ideiglenes korm√°ny vezetŇĎs√©g√©be deleg√°lnia a fŇĎszerkesztŇĎj√©t, Syed Fahim Munayemet, mint sajt√≥√ľgyi minisztert. M√©g a k√©sŇĎbb is, amikor a Korrupci√≥ Ellenes Bizotts√°g (ACC) felsz√≥l√≠totta Latifur Rahmant, hogy tegyen r√©szletes bevall√°st a vagyon√°r√≥l √©s bev√©teleirŇĎl, az eg√©sz √ľgyet valahogy k√©pes volt elhallgattatnia a Daily Star-Prothom csoportnak.” (ugyanott)

Minden megvehetŇĎ, √©s am√≠g valami elad√≥, meg is fogj√°k venni. Rahman √©s a Transcom tov√°bbra is elker√ľlte √ľzleti manŇĎvereik r√©szletes kivizsg√°l√°s√°t.

Jegyzetek:

1) L√°sd az elŇĎzŇĎ cikket: http://libcom.org/news/river-workers-strike-over-deal-struck-strike-wave-grows-18052010

2) Tov√°bbi inform√°ci√≥k Rahman birodalm√°r√≥l √©s a Daily Star hadj√°rat√°r√≥l a Maddhapara b√°nya√©p√≠t√©ssel szemben, l√°sd: Amikor a m√©dia a gonosz – 2009. j√ļnius 9.; http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/64216

Bangladeshi strike wave rolls on; rocks, papers and cloth

SOC: Although this article is dealing too much with corruption citing capitalist media, still it is a good material as a report on the latest developments in the Bangladesh strike wave, and on the other hand it shows perfectly how that fearsome primitive accumulation is working in practice.

Labour unrest continues[1] in diverse areas, including rock mining and the garment industry.

The garment industry

In the Ready Made Garment (RMG) sector, regular outbursts of wildcat strikes, riots, roadblocks and attacks on factories continue…

Kanchpur area, Narayanganj District, central Bangladesh – Tuesday, May 25th; fierce clashes occurred between police and garment workers; at 5.15pm workers left factories and began demonstrating, barricading the main Dhaka-Sylhet and Dhaka-Chittagong highways. A police box was set on fire and several vehicles attacked. As police arrived, workers threw bricks – cops replied with baton charges and shotgun fire to regain control. 50 people were injured, including 10 cops.

What seems to make this more than just another run-of-the-mill clash over pay, arrears or conditions of work – similar to those occurring bi-weekly in the garment sector – are the demands of the workers. These are reported as that “house rent in Kanchpur industrial area and the adjacent neighbourhood be lowered and supply of gas and water ensured.” Recognising that the nominal working wage is only one part of the equation in measuring class exploitation, these demands (along with growing generalised demands for a living minimum wage) suggest a process whereby workers are beginning to use their workplace power as producers to express wider demands of their class as a whole and to challenge the totality of their conditions of existence as proletarians. That is ‘class consciousness’ in practice.

8 * 8 * 8

Hard rock mining

Dinajpur, far north-western Bangladesh, Rangpur Division – Wednesday May 26th ; Miners of Maddhapara Granite Mining Company Ltd (MGMCL) have called off their four-day-old indefinite strike. The 292 strikers agreed to return to work after their union negotiated a promise that workers’ demands – for ending casualisation by granting permanent employment status and for payment of wage arrears – would be met within the next year.

The strike began on Sunday morning. The next day, workers locked 100 management officials (including the Managing Director) in the residential complex and cut off electricity and water. Some officials were released to attend negotiations with the union on Tuesday night, leading to the agreement on Wednesday.

8 * 8 * 8

‚ÄúI either want less corruption, or more chance to participate in it.‚ÄĚ (Ashleigh Brilliant)

The Maddhapara mine has a history typical of all that is corrupt and inefficient in the Bangladeshi economy – symptoms that inhibit economic expansion. Constructed by a North Korean company and opened in 2008, it has the capacity to produce daily thousands of tons of high quality granite. The government planned that the rock would be sold both commercially and also used in public works infrastructure projects by state agencies such as the Roads and Highways, Bangladesh Water Development Board and the Bangladesh Railway.

Bangladesh had long been dependent on Indian imports of granite and the new mine is able to undercut the imported rock price by more than half. It was estimated the mine could

…produce 1.65 million tons of hard rock annually, thus saving more than US$ 360 million of foreign exchange. Moreover, according to experts, if the production of the project could be diversified in establishing a plant to cut and produce high quality granite tiles, it would meet the local demand as well as open a new vista of opportunity for Bangladesh in getting huge income from the export trade. (http://www.globalpolitician.com/24884-bangladesh)

But this did not please the local rock import/export traders on both sides of the border, who have bribed bureaucrats to ignore government directives to supply public works projects with the cheaper source of local rock.

‚ÄėService contractors, engaged by the public-sector organizations for their work such as the protection of embankment or construction of road, as well as private-sector organizations depend on imported rocks to siphon off money by evading taxes or by buying low-quality rocks,‚Äô said a Petrobangla source.(ibid.)

They were aided in this by Bangladesh’s biggest media empire, known as the “Star Group” (owned by the Transcom trading conglomerate). Owners of leading English language paper the Daily Star, various Bengali publications and a radio station, its founder-owner Latifur Rahman has used the media arm of Transcom to promote his business interests, represented by the industrial sectors of Transcom, and to discredit economic rivals. The Maddhapara mine has been a target of Transcom’s smears since it was under construction.

Rahman began his career in the jute mill industry, once the country’s leading industry. As the jute sector declined in the 1990s Rahman closed his mills and ran off without paying thousands of his employees. He also ripped off the Central Bank for several longstanding loans.

But Rahman was soon back in business, able to secure millions of dollars in funding from his wife’s cousin, Anup Chetia, businessman and leader of ULFA (United Liberation Front of Asom – a separatist group from Assam, demanding liberation of several north-eastern Indian states). Gaining a franchise as sole distributor of Nestle brand milk products in Bangladesh, Rahman rapidly built up Transcom by diversifying into various business interests, acquiring ownership of Pepsi, Phillips and several large industrial enterprises along the way. Smuggling is rumoured as another major area of operation.

It’s also claimed Rahman has turned a crafty profit supplying public infrastructure projects with inferior materials;

‚ÄėEveryone knows the news about cracks in Jamuna Multi-purpose Bridge in Bangladesh. But, possibly no one knows the fact that the main reason behind such cracks was due to use of a particular brand of cement, which in the name of Portland Grey Cement is in fact fly ash mixed lowest grade cement. And, this inferior quality of cement went into various high cost projects in Bangladesh just because; chairman of the company producing and marketing this brand is none but Transcom¬īs Latifur Rahman. (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/64216)%5B2%5D

There have been several dangerous faults and collapses of building projects in the country – with corruption often at every level, quality and safety are quickly sacrificed.

“An honest politician is one who, when he is bought, will stay bought.” (Simon Cameron)

Since 2005, as the mine’s opening approached, the Daily Star began publishing articles falsely claiming that the mine’s granite would be more expensive than the imported variety. Defending it’s own business interests, it produced a steady stream of stories designed to discredit the mine’s economic viability;

‚ÄėIt is learnt that, some vested interest groups, including importers of stones and stone-chips from India, Myanmar and Malaysia are patronizing such media terror by Star, thus attempting to sabotage country¬īs most prospective project, which not only is already saving millions of dollars, but, also is set to turn into a huge prospect of earning millions of dollars from export of world-class Granite Tiles. (ibid.)

One of the cruder attempts at misinformation appeared on the Star’s front page in 2008. Commenting on ‘Nam-nam’, the North Korean contractors who built the mine, the Star showed its geo-political ignorance;

In this report, Daily Star wrote, “Nam-nam is now operating the mine with 65 South Koreans under a one-year service contract due to expire on May 27. As it did not fully transfer the South Korean technology to the MGMCL, it will get yet another year’s service contract, the sources said.”

[…] … the reporter knows nothing of the project but was writing thing being dictated by vested interest groups. In the same news, while the reporter said Nam-Nam is a North Korean company, how he could discover 65 South Koreans in the project (does he lack the minimum knowledge that North and South Korea do not have any diplomatic relations as yet?). (ibid.)

Unsurprisingly, Bangladesh has one of the weakest infrastructures in the world, with consequences for health, lifespan, transportation, commerce etc. This is how a capitalist think-tank describes the problems of capital accumulation;

Bangladesh is one of the poorest countries in the world and has struggled to attract foreign investment in a business environment marked by pervasive corruption, cumbersome regulations and an inconsistent and politicised approach to the rule of law. The country has been at or near the bottom of numerous accountability, transparency and corruption indices for several years. Encouragingly, Bangladesh’s 2007-2008 military-backed government implemented a programme of widespread institutional reform and, in an unprecedented move, set out to aggressively tackle the country’s high levels of corruption, resulting in the conviction of corrupt businesspeople, politicians and high-ranking officials. Nevertheless, corruption continues to be widespread at all administrative levels. Companies report inadequate supply of infrastructure as the biggest constraint to investment in Bangladesh, followed by corruption and an inefficient government bureaucracy. The vast majority of companies expect to pay bribes to public officials in order to do business, while just one in four companies perceive the judiciary to be fair, impartial and uncorrupted. (Business Anti-Corruption Portal – http://www.business-anti-corruption.com/country-profiles/south-asia/bangladesh)

‚ÄúSome explanations of a crime are not explanations: they’re part of the crime.‚ÄĚ (Olavo de Cavarlho)
The anti-corruption element of the 2007-2008 ‘caretaker’ military-backed government was – surprise, surprise – itself corrupted. Showing the extent of Transcom’s web of power;

Daily Star group managed to send its Executive Editor Syed Fahim Munayem as the Press Secretary to the Chief Executive of the interim government. Even at later stage, when Anti Corruption Commission (ACC) issued notice on Latifur Rahman asking declaration of his wealth and assets, the entire issue was some how put into suppression with the help of Daily Star-Prothom Alo group. (ibid.)

Everything can be bought, and, while it’s for sale, everything will be. Rahman and Transcom have continued to avoid any effective legal investigation of their operations.

NOTES

1) See earlier article; http://libcom.org/news/river-workers-strike-over-deal-struck-strike-wave-grows-18052010

2) For more on Rahman’s empire and his Daily Star’s hostility to the Maddhapara Mine project, see; When the media turns into evil – June 09, 2008; http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/64216

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